HERO  * 


(;ov   '       • 


LIBRARY 

OF  THK 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

OfKT  OK 


Accessions  No.  5~7f'~7rt3.        CLjss  No. 


r 


THE 


HERO  OF  COWPENS 


A   REVOLUTIONARY   SKETCH 


I/I'  REBECCA    McCONKEY 

^  U 

AHTHOKKSS     OK     "TRUE     STORIES     OF     THE     AMERICAN     FATHERS,"      ETC- 


"  A  prince  can  mak'  a  belted  knight, 

A  markis,  duke  and  a'  that, 
But  an  honest  mon's  aboon  his  might, 
Guid  faith  he  manna  fa'  that." 

—  BURNS. 


U3TIVBRSIT7 


'SED 


FUNK    &    WAGNALLS 


NEW    YORK  i8g  LONDON 

10   AND    12    DEY    STREET  44    FLEET    STREET 

All  Rights  Reserved 


-Sintered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  iii  the  year  1885-  oy 

PUNK  &  WAGXALLS, 
in  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress  at  Washington,  D.  Q 


TK  these  pen  portraits  of  our  Revolutionary  Heroes  and 
Mock-Heroes,  the  point  sought  to  be  emphasized  is, 
that  Benedict  Arnold  was  not  a  great  general ;  that  he 
performed  no  essential  or  valuable  service  during  our 
Revolutionary  struggle  ;  that  he  appropriated  the  laurels 
fairly  won  by  Daniel  Morgan,  and  has  worn  them  for  a 
hundred  years. 

Our  earliest  Revolutionary  authorities  wrote  too  near 
the  date  of  the  events  they  described  ;  but  the  smoke  of 
those  battle-fields  has  now  cleared  away  sufficiently  to 
disclose  the  true  role  of  the  actors.  It  would  be  seemly, 
in  this  Centennial  recall  of  the  Fathers,  to  purge  away 
old  errors  and  identify  the  real  heroes  with  their  brave 
deeds. 

After  consulting  all  our  standard  authorities,  the  au 
thoress  found  it  wise  to  keep  near  to  Bancroft's  estimates  ; 
and  should  this  little  historical  argument  (for  this  it 
claims  to  be)  provoke  dissent,  she  also  hopes  for  disproof. 

BALTIMORE,  August,  1885. 


JVO 


[So  largely  has  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan  been  drawn 
upon  in  the  preparation  of  this  sketch  that  it  will  not  be 
out  of  place  to  insert  the  following  from  the  preface  of 
that  work.] 

"  At  the  death  of  General  Morgan,  his  papers,  correspondence, 
etc,  went  into  the  possession  of  his  son-in-law,  General  Presley 
Neville.  During  the  tAventy  years  which  succeeded,  many  of  these 
papers  were  lost  or  destroyed.  What  remained,  however,  were  then 
collected,  arranged  and  "bound  into  two  large  volumes  by  the  Gen 
eral's  grandson,  Major  Morgan  Neville.  When  he  died,  they  became 
the  property  of  his  widow,  who  submitted  them  to  my  perusal,  with 
the  object  of  ascertaining  whether  the  publication  of  a  select  portion 
of  their  contents  would  be  advisable  or  not. 

"  This  collection  is  a  very  valuable  one,  embracing,  as  it  does, 
letters  hitherto  unpublished,  from  Washington,  Greene,  La  Fayette, 
Wayne,  Gates,  Jefferson,  Hamilton,  Henry,  Rutledge,  and  other 
distinguished  men  of  the  Revolutionary  era.  They  abound  in  facts 
and  circumstances  which  the  historian  has  either  failed  or  feared  to 
notice.  But  what  chiefly  attracted  my  attention  was  the  additional 
light  which  they  shed  upon  the  private  character  and  military 
services  of  General  Morgan,  and  upon  the  details  of  his  long  and 
eventful  career.  Until  I  saw  these  papers  I  labored  under  the  com 
mon  error  of  assigning  him  a  position  among  the  worthies  of  the 
Revolution,  far  below  that  which  he  deserved.  After  examining  all 
the  sources  of  information  within  my  reach,  I  became  convinced, 
that  few  if  any  of  the  heroes  of  that  day,  furnished  larger  contribu 
tions  than  he  did  to  the  glory  of  our  arms,  or  surpassed  him  in  the 


VI  KOTE. 

amount  and  value  of  their  services.  Nevertheless  I  found  that  his 
character  and  conduct  had  been  misconceived  in  some  cases,  and 
misrepresented  in  others ;  and  that  from  these  causes  many  of  our 
historians  had  been  betrayed  into  statements  at  variance  with  facts 
and  injurious  to  his  fame.  The  absence  of  full  and  correct  informa 
tion  regarding  a  man  whose  name  and  deeds  famish  so  rich  a  source 
for  national  pride,  has  besides  tempted  Fiction  to  make  him  the 
theme  of  her  legends.  But  the  fanciful  pictures  she  has  drawn, 
though  recognizable,  are  not  likenesses  ;  while  they  fall  far  short  of 
the  spirit  and  dignity  which  invested  the  reality. 

"  But  ample  as  were  the  materials  furnished  by  General  Morgan's 
MSS.,  much  was  yet  to  be  gathered  before  a  complete  and  connected 
chain  of  events  could  be  formed.  *  *  *  A  few  have  contributed 
so  largely  and  so  valuably  to  my  collections,  as  to  render  acknowl 
edgements  a  duty  as  well  as  a  pleasure.  The  first  of  these  is  the 
late  Dr.  Wm.  Hill,  of  Winchester,  Virginia.  He  was  one  of  General 
Morgan's  personal  and  intimate  friends.  He  attended  him  during 
the  illness  that  terminated  his  life  and  preached  the  funeral  sermon 
over  his  grave.  To  him  I  am  indebted  for  a  large  collection  of  facts 
and  anecdotes  in  relation  to  General  Morgan  which  run  through  his 
entire  career  and  which  were  recorded  from  his  own  lips.  It  would 
be  difficult  to  estimate  the  advantages  I  derived  from  this  valuable 
contribution.  It  explained  circumstances  which,  without  it,  would 
have  remained  inexplicable  Whatever  of  merit  may  be  accorded  to 
the  connection  of  events,  as  displayed  here  and  there  through  the 
work,  will  in  a  great  degree  be  owing  to  the  assistance  I  received 
from  Dr.  Hill."  *  *  * 


TABLE    OF    CONTENTS. 


I. 

DANIEL  MORGAN.— HERO. 

PAGE 

Birth-place  unknown.  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  both  claim  him.  "  Na 
tive  American."  Virginia  the  State  of  his  adoption.  Accompanies  Brad- 
dock's  army  as  a  teamster.  Gets  five  hundred  British  lashes,  and  an  apology. 
Returns  home.  Becomes  a  soldier.  Tragic  encounter  with  the  Indians. 
Sows  wild  oats.  Marries,  settles,  and  grows  rich.  Self-culture.  Indian 
wars.  Obtains  large  grants  of  land  for  his  services.  Hears  of  the  battle  of 
Lexington.  Espouses  the  cause  of  the  Revolution  intelligently.  Recruits 
a  company  and  marches  to  Boston. 15 

II. 
BENEDICT   ARNOLD.— MOCK   HERO. 

His  birth  and  ancestry.  Fine  old  Puritan  stock.  Shames  his  ancestry. 
Child  is  father  of  the  man.  His  youthful  villainy.  Refuses  an  education. 
Apprenticed  to  a  druggist.  Runs  away  and  enters  the  British  service.  Is 
brought  back  by  his  friends.  Re-enlists.  Deserts.  Embarks  in  business. 
Makes  haste  to  be  rich.  Duels.  Pails  in  business.  Bankruptcy.  Hears  of 
the  battle  of  Lexington.  Raises  a  company  and  marches  to  Boston  In 
trudes  himself  into  Ethan  Allen's  party,  and  at  the  fall  of  Ticonderoga  he 
insists  upon  entering  the  fort  at  Allen's  side.  Gives  offence  to  everybody. 
Resigns.  Urges  the  Canadian  expedition.  Offers  to  lead  it  and  become 
responsible  for  its  success.  Urges  the  expedition  through  Maine  to  surprise 
Quebec.  Offers  to  lead  it.  Washington  gives  him  the  command.  .  .  25 

III.— 1775. 
WASHINGTON  AND  HIS  GENERALS. 

Their  slender  abilities.  His  incredible  labors  and  difficulties.  Treads  the 
wine-press  alone 33 

IV.— 1775,  1776. 

THROUGH   THE   WILDERNESS. 

The  tragic  romance  of  the  Revolution.  Morgan  its  real  leader.  Dress  of  the 
rifle  company.  They  perform  the  labors  of  Hercules.  Despatch  and  se 
crecy  the  essentials  to  success.  Arnold  ensures  its  failure  by  sending  ahead 
letters  by  friendly  Indians  announcing  his  approach.  They  prove  unfriendly, 
and  the  British  get  the  letters.  Upon  arriving  at  Quebec,  Morgan  reconnoi 
tres  and  proposes  to  assault  immediately,  Arnold  declines.  Montgomery 
and  Arnold  afterward  join  forces  and  make  the  attack.  Montgomery  is 
killed  and  Arnold  wounded  outside  the  walls.  Morgan  assumes  command, 
assaults,  and  gets  into  the  town  and  is  taken  prisoner.  Morgan  attracts 
attention.  Is  visited  by  a  British  official,  who  offers  him  equal  rank  in  the 
British  army.  Morgan  resents  it  as  a  personal  insult.  ...  .33 


Till  TABLE   OF  CONTEXTS. 

V.— 1776. 
THE  RETREAT. 

PAGE 

Congress  stubbornly  persist  in  the  attempt  to  conquer  Canada.  Waste, 
disaster,  and  ruin  follow.  Arnold  now  calls  for  the  retreat  as  loudly  as 
he  had  called  for  the  advance.  He  is  court-martialled  for  mal-adniinis- 
tration.  After  the  retreat  to  Crown  Point  Arnold  urges  the  building  the 
Lake  fleet.  He  commands  it.  Undertakes  the  impossible.  His  whole  fleet 
destroyed,  partly  by  the  enemy  and  partly  by  himself.  Gets  great  glory  and 
a  brigadier-general's  commission.  The  Canadian  expedition  ends  in  disas 
ter,  failure,  and  shame 49 

VI. —1776. 
ALL'S   WELL  THAT  ENDS   WELL. 

The  Revolutionary  party  has  achieved  a  series  of  brilliant  successes.  Lex 
ington,  Concord,  Bunker  Hill,  Ticonderoga.  Boston  delivered,  and  the 
repulse  of  the  British  army  and  navy  from  Charleston,  S.  C.  The  tide  of 
victory  now  ebbs.  The  British  land  a  splendidly  equipped  army  on  Long 
Island.  Washington  has  a  lame  army  and  no  generals.  He  has  some  sol 
diers.  The  Maryland  and  Delaware  troops  here  win  their  spurs.  Wash 
ington  accomplishes  a  masterly  retreat,  and  maneuvres  in  the  Highlands. 
Greene  loses  Forts  Lee  and  Washington  with  large  garrisons  and  stores. 
Washington  retreats  through  New  Jersey.  Lee  and  Gates  decline  to  assist 
him,  and  intrigue  for  his  place.  Washington  recrosses  the  Delaware,  sur 
prises  and  captures  the  Hessians  at  Trenton.  From  being  pursued,  Wash 
ington  becomes  the  pursuer.  The  British,  though  they  outnumber  him  five 
times,  retreat  and  finally  fall  back  to  New  York.  The  campaign  of  1776  is 
a  total  failure  for  the  British.  With  a  force  of  not  less  than  fifty  thousand 
they  aim  three  simultaneous  blows  at  the  Young  Republic — for  the  posses 
sion  of  the  Hudson  River,  Philadelphia,  and  Charleston.  The  city  of  New 
York  alone  recompenses  their  gigantic  efforts 58 

VII. —1776,  1777. 
THE   RIFLE  REGIMENT. 

Morgan  is  paroled,  and  returns  from  Canada.  Washington  recommends  him 
to  Congress  for  promotion.  They  give  him  a  Colonel's  commission.  He 
recruits  his  regiment  and  joins  Washington  March,  1777.  Washington  de 
tails  five  hundred  picked  riflemen  and  puts  Morgan  in  command.  Howe 
menaces  Philadelphia  by  way  of  New  Jersey.  Washington  outgenerals 
him.  Morgan  shows  himself  a  master  workman.  Howe  returns  to  New 
York  to  renew  the  attack  by  sea 70 

i77. 
FALL  OF  TICONDEROGA. 

Plans  of  the  British  ministry  are  the  same  as  for  1776.  Capture  of  Hudson 
River  and  Philadelphia.  Burgoyne  advances  from  Canada  down  Lake 
Ch:implain.  Retakes  Ticonderoga,  causing  Continental  consternation. 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS.  IX 

PAGE 

Washington  keeps  his  position  near  New  York  as  Howe  still  threatens 
Philadelphia.  Gates  maneuvres  to  oust  Schuyler  from  the  command  of  the 
Northern  Department.  Intrigues  to  get  the  best  of  Washington's  officers 
and  troops.  Congress  direct  that  Morgan  and  the  rifle  regiment  be  sent  to 
Gates'  assistance  .............  76 

IX.—  1777. 

BATTLE   OF  BRANDYWINE. 

Washington  engages  Howe  with  a  greatly  superior  force  at  the  Brandy  wine 
and  is  defeated.  Howe  takes  Philadelphia.  Washington  ventures  another 
battle  at  Germantown.  Loses  it.  He  requests  Gates  to  send  back  Morgan 
to  his  assistance.  Gates  declines  to  send  him.  Burgoyne  surrenders  to 
Gates,  who  still  refuses  to  send  Morgan  to  Washington.  Washington  sends 
Colonel  Hamilton  to  demand  the  troops  ........  82 

X.—  1777. 
ARNOLD  BEFORE  CONGRESS. 

Arnold  is  ordered  to  Rhode  Island  to  recruit  a  force  against  a  threatened 
invasion  of  that  coast  by  a  British  fleet.  Fails  to  accomplish  the  purpose. 
The  British  entrench  at  Newport.  Arnold  determines  to  go  to  Philadel 
phia.  On  his  way  he  hears  that  the  British  have  made  a  raid  into  Connec 
ticut  to  burn  the  stores  at  Danbury.  The  Connecticut  militia,  under  Woos- 
ter,  follow  them.  Arnold  joins  them  uninvited.  Fights  windmills;  has  two 
horses  killed  under  him.  The  British  get  safely  away  after  having  done  all 
they  came  to  do.  Arnold's  "exploits"  reach  Congress;  they  present  him 
with  a  horse  and  a  Major-General's  commission.  He  is  still  dissatisfied. 
Washington  offers  him  a  post  on  the  Hudson.  He  refuses  it.  Goes  to 
Philadelphia  to  demand  an  inquiry.  Finds  that  his  Canadian  misdeeds 
have  told  heavily  against  him.  The  spirits  of  Ticouderoga  and  Mont 
real  will  not  down.  He  parades  his  services  and  his  wounds.  He  is  ac 
quitted  and  sustained.  He  then  presents  his  accounts  for  settlement, 
with  enormous  aggregate  in  his  favor.  Suspicions  of  his  knavery.  Con 
gress  refuse  to  settle.  He  resigns.  At  that  moment  Ticonderoga  falls. 
Washington  soothes  him  and  urges  him  to  join  the  army  before  Burgoyne. 
He  goes.  Undertakes  the  relief  of  Fort  Stanwix,  but  does  not  do  it.  .  .88 


HORATIO   GATES. 

Gates  assumes  command  of  the  army  before  Bnrgoyne  August  19th,  immedi 
ately  after  the  battle  of  Bennington,  by  which  the  British  were  irretrieva- 
biy  lamed.  Gates'  Revolutionary  career  is  one  of  intrigue,  not  of  service. 
At  Saratoga  he  appropriates  laurels  that  belong  to  Morgan  and  others,  and 
assumes  the  role  of  the  conquering  hero.  After  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne 
Congress  makes  him  President  of  the  Board  of  War.  Washington,  in  eclipse 
at  Valley  Forge,  is  now  at  Gates'  tender  mercies,  which  are  cruel.  He 
works  the  "  cabal."  It  explodes  without  harm  to  Washington,  though  he 
"suffers  exquisite  pain."  Gates  proposes  another  expedition  to  Canada. 
It  fails.  He  occupies  other  posts,  which  the  tide  of  war  does  not  reach.  In 


X  TABLE   OF   CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

1780  he  receives  the  command  of  the  Southern  Department.  At  Camden  he 
attempts  to  fight  his  own  battle.  Camden  pricks  the  bnbble  of  Saratoga. 
He  gets  his  quietus. 100 

XII. 

BATTLE  OF  THE  COLONELS.— No.  1.— 1777. 
Importance  of  the  battles  of  Saratoga.  Rank  among  the  "  fifteen  decisive  bat 
tles  of  the  world."  Defeat,  rout,  and  capture  of  Burgoyne's  army  convinces 
Europe  of  the  ultimate  triumph  of  the  Colonies.  Induces  France  to  ac 
knowledge  us  and  come  openly  to  our  assistance.  Of  Burgoyne's  generals, 
Frazer  is  most  illustrious.  Ranks  with  Tarleton.  Both  are  doomed  to  be 
outgeneralled  and  put  to  shame  by  Daniel  Morgan.  Morgan's  corps  consti 
tute  the  advance  of  Gates1  army,  with  discretionary  powers  to  operate  ac 
cording  to  his  judgment.  The  British  attack  September  19th.  Morgan 
conducts  the  defence,  seconded  by  Colonels  Scammel  and  Cilly,  with  other 
colonels.  No  higher  officers  in  the  field.  Morgan  hurls  all  his  strength 
against  Frazer.  Finds  him  a  foeman  worthy  of  his  steel.  Night  closes  the 
battle  The  British  keep  the  field,  but  with  far  heavier  loss  than  that  of  the 
Americans.  Arnold  not  upon  the  field  at  all. 104 

XIII. —1777. 
THE   SURRENDER. 

Burgoyne  hopes  for  aid  from  Clinton  below.  The  British  again  offer  battle  on 
October  7th.  Gates  "orders  Morgan  to  begin  the  game "  by  attacking  in 
front.  Morgan  judges  otherwise,  submits  his  own  plan  of  attack.  Gates 
accepts  it.  Morgan  again  finds  Frazer  the  invincible.  Morgan  provides  for 
his  death.  With  Frazer's  fall,  fell  all.  The  field  battle  all  over  in  twenty 
minutes.  The  Americans  pursue  and  storm  the  British  field-works.  Mor 
gan  and  his  corps  rush  upon  the  "  Great  Redoubt.1'  Gates  salutes  Morgan 
on  his  return  from  the  field  as  the  hero  of  the  second  battle  of  Saratoga. 
Arnold  had  been  again  forbidden  by  Gates  to  go  upon  the  field.  Hearing  the 
phouts  of  the  victors  Arnold  rushes  in  at  the  heel  of  the  hunt,  gets  his  horse 
killed,  and  his  old  wound  reopened.  His  fame  secure.  Sufferings  and  he 
roism  of  Burgoyne's  army.  He  surrenders  October  17th.  Gates1  toadyism. 
He  sounds  Morgan  for  the  "cabal  "  against  Washington.  Morgan  spurns 
the  proposition.  Gates  withdraws  his  favor  from  Morgan,  and  does  not 
mention  his  name  in  the  official  account  of  the  second  battle.  Gates  and 
Arnold  mere  figure-heads.  The  battles  fought  by  American  colonels  and 
the  yeomanry  of  New  York  and  New  England.  Morgan  bears  the  brunt  of 
both  battles.  Congress  gives  to  Gates  a  gold  medal,  to  Arnold  the  full  rank 
he  had  demanded,  to  Morgan  nothing 118 

XIV.— 1777,  1778,  1779. 
HARD   SERVICE   AND  NO   LAURELS.      I/ 
Morgan  rejoins  Washington,  and  enters  upon  a  service  of  eighteen  months 
involving  continual  hardship,  toil,  and  danger.    Friendship  between  Mor 
gan  and  La  Fayette.    In  the  spring  of  1779.  finds  his  constitution  breaking 
down.    His  winter  in  Canada  had  developed  sciatica.    Subsequent  exposure 
had  fixed  it  in  his  system.    Self-respect  is  wounded.    Morgan  resigns  and 
goes  home  to  his  plough.          .  104 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS.  x 

XV.— 1778,  1779. 
ARNOLD  AT   PHILADELPHIA. 

PAGE 

Arnold  nurses  his  wounded  leg  through  the  winter  of  1778.  Receives  Bur- 
goyne's  courtly  compliments  for  his  valor  in  the  battle  of  September  19ih, 
though  not  on  the  field.  In  the  spring  he  visits  New  Haven,  where  he  is 
received  as  the  hero  of  Saratoga  with  demonstrations.  On  the  evacuation 
of  Philadelphia  by  the  British  he  obtains  command  of  that  city.  The  wrong 
man  in  the  wrong  place.  Enters  upon  a  system  of  speculation  and  plunder. 
Gets  the  merchants  by  the  ears.  Quarrels  with  the  Council  of  Pennsylvania. 
Installs  himself  in  splendor,  and  marries  the  belle  of  tory  society.  Cor 
responds  with  the  enemy,  and  exchanges  valuable  information  for  British 
gold.  Unpopular  with  the  people.  Attacked  in  the  streets.  .  .  .146 

XVL-— 1779,  1780. 
THE  COURT-MARTIAL. 

Arnold  is  court-martialled,  and  reprimanded  in  gentle  words  by  Washington. 
Receives  it  sullenly.  Resolves  upon  treason.  Pressed  by  his  creditors,  he 
offers  himself  for  sale  to  the  French  Ambassador.  The  Frenchman  nobly 
declines.  He  determines  to  obtain  command  of  West  Point,  and  sell  the 
Hudson  River  to  the  British 151 

XVII— 1780. 

TREASON. 

The  complot  of  Arnold  with  Clinton.  Major  Andre".  Arnold  devises  the  mis 
chief  with  great  skill.  Finally  ensures  its  failure.  Execution  of  Andre.  .  153 

XVIIL— 1780,  1781. 
ARNOLD'S   SMALL  VILLAINIES. 

Disappoints  his  new  masters.  Has  no  followers.  Serves  the  American  cause 
for  the  first  time.  British  have  no  confidence  in  him.  Appoint  him  only  to 
the  work  of  the  thief  and  the  robber.  Ravages,  burns,  and  plunders  in 
Virginia  and  afterwards  in  Connecticut.  His  genius  only  that  of  the  de 
structive.  Goes  to  England,  but  finds  himself  detested.  Seeks  a  command 
in  the  British  service.  Never  obtains  it.  Fortune  deserts  him  to  the  last.  .  165 

XIX.— 1779. 
TIDE  OF  BATTLE  FLOWS  SOUTHWARD. 

British  take  Savannah.  Gen.  Lincoln  takes  command  at  the  South.  French 
and  Americans  attempt  to  retake  Savannah.  Repulsed  with  slaughter. 
Death  of  Jasper. '  Lincoln  pens  himself  up  in  Charleston  with  his  army.  .  172 

XX.— 1780. 
THE  SCOURGE   OF   THE   CAROLINAS. 

Clinton  summons  Lincoln  to  surrender  May  10, 1780.  Charleston  falls.  Tarle- 
ton— his  military  genius.  Clinton  leaves  Cornwallis,  with  Tarleton,  to  finish 


xil  TABLE    OF   CONTENTS. 


the  subjugation  of  the  South.  They  determine  to  crush  out  the  spirit  of 
liberty.  Gates  appointed  to  the  South.  He  immediately  requests  Congress 
to  commission  Morgan  brigadier-general  and  send  him  South.  Congress 
calls  him  into  the  service  as  Colonel  Morgan.  To  his  eternal  honor  he  re 
mains  at  home.  Gates  must  needs  go  alone.  Battle  of  Camden.  De  Kalb, 
with  the  Maryland  and  Delaware  troops  alone,  save  American  honor.  Gates 
flies  ignominiously  from  the  field 179 

XXL— 1780. 
PATRIOT  LEADERS   OF   THE   SOUTH. 

The  South  remains  unconquered.  They  rally  to  the  standards  of  their  patriot 
leaders.  Davidson,  Williams,  Da  vie,  Pickens,  Sumter,  and  Marion  Tarle- 
ton  strikes  vigorously  at  them.  Marion  alone  escapes  his  wrath.  Marion, 
as  man  and  general.  Southern  militia.  Their  efficient  service.  .  .  .  191 

XXIL— 1780.- 
BATTLE  OF  THE   COLONELS.— No.  2. 

Cornwallis  and  Tarleton  burn  and  ravage  South  Carolina.  In  September, 
1780,  move  towards  North  Carolina.  The  spirit  of  the  mountains  wakes. 
Colonels  Clarke,  Cleaveland.  Campbell,  Williams,  Shelby,  and  Sevier  unite 
the  mountain  yeomanry  of  Virginia,  Tennessee,  the  Carolinas,  and  Georgia. 
They  climb  Kings  Mountain,  encircle,  and  crush  the  British.  A  superb 
stroke.  No  officer  above  the  rank  of  colonel.  Cornwallis  and  Tarleton  re 
treat  back  into  South  Carolina 198 

XXIII. —1780,  1781. 
MAJOR-GENERAL   GREENE. 

Congress  appoints  Greene  to  succeed  Gates.  His  previous  career.  Journeys 
southward.  At  Mount  Vernon.  Assumes  command  at  Charlotte,  N.  C., 
December  2, 1780.  Finds  the  South  but  a  "Dismal  Swamp."  Retires  to  a 
strong  position  on  the  Pedce.  A  "  camp  of  repose."  Sumter  and  Marion 
keep  the  standard  of  the  Republic  waving  in  the  Southern  part  of  the  State.  203 

XXIV.— 1780,  1781. 
MORGAN   TO  THE  RESCUE. 

Hearing  of  the  disaster  of  Camden,  Morgan  stays  no  longer  upon  the  order  of 
his  going,  but  goes  at  once  as  Colonel  Morgan.  Congress,  urged  by  Jeffer 
son,  gives  him  a  brigadier-general's  commission.  Gates  appoints  him  to 
command  what  of  the  Maryland  and  Delaware  line  survived  the  day  of  Cam 
den.  He  takes  post  in  upper  South  Carolina.  Greene  relieves  Gates  and 
confirms  Morgan  in  this  separate  command.  Morgan  is  now  threatened 
with  the  whole  British  army  under  Cornwallis,  Tarleton,  and  Leslie.  He 
wishes  to  move  southward  and  menace  their  lower  posts.  Greene  objects. 
Correspondence  of  Greene  and  Morgan.  Greene  has  been  handsomely  rein 
forced,  but  still  remains  inactive.  Morgan  asks  for  Lee's  corps  of  cavalry, 
and  for  some  diversion  by  the  main  army  in  his  favor.  Greene  sends  Lee 
in  an  opposite  direction.  Morgan  signifies  that  he  must  retreat  before  so 
powerful  a  force.  Greene  objects  to  a  retreat.  Curious  correspondence. 
Tarleton  close  upon  Morgan.  .  .  .  .  . 


TABLE    OF   CONTENTS.  Xlll 

XXV.— 1781. 
AT   THE   COWPENS. 

PAGE 

Tarleton,  with  superior  forces,  pursues  Morgan.  Morgan  falls  back  to  a  bat 
tle-ground  of  his  own  choice  Turns  upon  Tarleton,  crushes,  routs,  and 
annihilates  his  whole  army.  The  most  brilliant  field  fight  of  the  war,  and 
the  first  defeat  that  Tarleton  receives.  Splendid  service  of  Howard  of  Ma 
ryland,  and  of  Col.  Washington.  Parallels  between  the  battles  of  Cowpens 
and  Trenton.  Parallels-  between  Morgan  and  Shakespeare's  royal  hero, 
Henry  V 232 

XXVI. —1781. 

MORGAN'S   RETREAT   TO   GUILFORD   COURT-HOUSE. 

Tarleton  cannot  account  for  his  amazing  defeat.  It  remains  a  mystery.  Mor 
gan  not  elated  by  his  superb  victory.  Knows  that  he  will  have  the  whole 
British  pack  at  his  heels.  His  retreat  shows  greater  genius  than  the  battle. 
Resorts  to  ruse,  and  misleads  Coruwallis.  Loaded  down  with  spoils  and 
pi'isoners  he  crosses  the  Broad,  the  Pacolct,  and  the  Catawba.  Halts  here, 
hoping  to  fight  again  if  Greene  will  bring  up  the  main  army  in  time.  Twelve 
days  after  the  battle  Greene  rides  into  Morgan's  camp  with  only  an  escort 
of  cavalry.  The  main  army,  nnder  Huger,  is  lumbering  up  towards  another 
point.  Morgan  is  broken  down  with  ague,  malaria,  and  sciatica,  from  ex 
posure  to  the  winter  rains.  Seeing  no  hope  of  disputing  the  crossing  of 
the  Catawba  by  Cornwallis,  Morgan  marches  away  toward  the  Yaddn. 
Leaves  Greene  at  the  Catawba  to  collect  the  militia,  embarrass  the  enemy, 
and  follow.  Morgan  crosses  the  Yadkin  and  takes  over  a  flying  population, 
who  hear  that  Tarleton  is  coming.  "Great  Heart"  gets  them  all  safely 
over.  He  staggers  on.  Can  no  longer  sit  his  horse.  Writes  back  to  Greene 
that  at  Guilford  Court-House  he  must  quit  the  service  and  go  home  to 
recruit.  Brings  his  army  to  Guilford  February  8th.  Greene's  army, 
under  Huger,  arrive  there  the  next  day,  February  9, 1781 249 

XXVIL— 1781. 
MORGAN   AT  HOME. 

Morgan  reaches  home  exhausted  and  worn  to  the  bone.  Receives  the  con 
gratulations  of  Congress,  with  gold  medal.  Also  those  of  State  officials  and 
brother  officers.  The  battle  of  Cowpens  is  severely  criticised.  Morgan's 
motives  and  judgment  impugned.  Also  his  motives  in  leaving  the  service 
at  that  time 262 

XXVIII.— 1781. 
GREENE'S  RETREAT  ACROSS  THE  DAN. 

Greene  remains  at  the  Catawba  to  collect  the  militia.  Davidson,  with  five 
hundred  militia,  gather  at  the  Catawba  and  dispute  the  crossing  of  Corn 
wallis'  army.  Davidson  is  killed,  and  the  militia  scatter.  Greene  waits 
for  the  militia  sixteen  miles  away.  He  afterwards  joins  all  forces  at  Guil 
ford  Court-House.  His  forces  equal  those  of  Cornwallis,  but  he  declines  to 


XIV  TABLE   OF    CONTEXTS. 

PAGE 

fight.  Retreats  over  the  Dan  to  Virginia.  Heavily  reinforced,  he  recrosses 
the  Dan.  Cornwallis,  with  less  than  half  Greene's  force,  offers  him  battle 
at  Guilford  Court-House.  Greene  accepts,  and  is  defeated.  Cornwallis 
falls  down  towards  Wilmington.  Greene  now  resolves  to  push  boldly 
into  South  Carolina  and  surprise  Lord  Rawdon  at  Camden.  Unfortunately, 
Greene's  letters  fall  into  Rawdon's  hands.  Greene  finds  the  works  at  Cam- 
den  too  strong  to  assault.  Takes  position  at  Hobkirk's  hill.  Rawdon  sur 
prises  Greene.  Greene  is  worsted  and  retreats.  The  war  in  South  Carolina 
now  becomes  a  war  of  posts.  May  8th,  Marion  takes  Fort  Watson  below, 
and  so  compels  Rawdon  to  evacuate  Camden.  May  11,  Sumter  takes  Or- 
angeburgh.  May  12,  Marion  and  Rebecca  Motte  take  Fort  Motte.  June 
5ih,  Sumter  takes  Fort  Grunby,  and  Colonel  Lee  takes  Augusta.  Thus, 
by  July,  1781,  Sumter,  Marion,  and  Lee  compel  the  evacuation  of  the  whole 
State  except  the  seacoast  between  Charleston  and  Savannah.  .  .  .267 

XXIX.— 1781. 

MORGAN  AGAIN  IN  THE  SERVICE. 

At  the  urgent  call  of  the  Virginia  State  officials  and  of  La  Fayette,  Morgan 
girds  on  his  sword  to  meet  Tarleton,  now  in  Virginia.  He  joins  La  Fayette, 
who  gives  him  command  of  all  the  light  troops  and  cavalry.  Gives  Tarle 
ton  one  more  chase.  After  three  weeks'  service  Morgan  breaks  down  again. 
Goes  home,  having  struck  his  last  blow  for  the  cause 275 

XXX.— 1781. 
YORKTOWN. 

Washington,  assured  of  the  co-operation  of  the  French  fleets,  decides  upon 
the  siege  of  Yorktown.  De  Grasse  defeats  the  British  fleet  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Chesapeake.  Washington,  near  New  York,  misleads  Clinton  as  to  his 
plans.  Marches  his  army  at  double-quick  through  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
and  down  to  Annapolis,  whence  the  French  vessels  take  them  to  Williams- 
burgh.  Washington  visits  Mount  Vernon  for  the  first  time  in  six  years. 
Cornwallis  hopes  for  succor  from  Clinton  by  sea.  The  siege  progresses. 
Perfect  accord  between  the  French  and  American  oflicers.  Cornwallis  at 
tempts  to  escape  by  the  James  River.  Storm  drives  him  back.  Hs  capitu 
lates.  Cornwallis  remains  in  his  tent  and  sends  his  sword.  Washington 
sustains  the  national  dignity 286 

XXXI.— 1781. 

AT   LAST. 

A  Nation's  thanksgiving.  Needless  misunderstanding  between  Washington 
and  Morgan.  Morgan  at  home.  Improved  health  and  fortunes.  Takes 
arms  again  during  the  "Whiskey  Insurrection,"  as  major-general  of  the 
Virginia  forces.  Is  elected  to  Congress.  Health  again  fails.  The  "  Happy 
Warrior"  turns  his  thoughts  heavenward.  Protracted  invalidism.  Death. 
Character  and  services.  High  order  of  military  genius 291 


0?  THE 

7EESIT7 


<y 


I. 

DANIEL  MORGAN— HERO. 

"  I  took  thee  from  the  sheep-cote  to  be  a  prince  and  a  ruler." 

IT  is  no  matter  of  regret  to  us,  that  the  human  origin 
of  our  hero  is  overhung  with  mystery.  We  like  it. 
What  a  license  this  obscurity  gives  to  the  imagination  ! 
The  old  Greeks  would  have  set  it  down  thus — "  Son  of 

Jupiter  and ."  We  moderns  might  do  well  to  take 

a  hint  out  of  this  hoar  and  beautiful  Greek  mythology, 
that  so  delighted  to  mix  up  the  gods  with  the  affairs 
of  men. 

Eternal  truth  !  that  has  bloomed  into  a  higher  meaning 
in  our  Christianity,  where  God  in  His  word  and  in  His 
Providence  continually  shows  us,  how  He  renews  the 
world  from  the  lowliest  sources,  using  the  things  that 
are  not,  to  confound  the  mighty,  and  bring  to  nought  the 
things  that  are. 

Nature  disallows  heredity,  and  hacks  it  with  a  two- 
edged  sword.  How  shall  we  account  for  Luther,  Shak- 
spere,  Cromwell,  Napoleon  or  Washington  ?  Having  them 
here  without  precedent,  we  thereupon  build  great  expecta 
tions,  and  behold  the  outcome. 

Nature  is  averse  to  dynasties,  and  when  there  is  brave 
work  to  be  done,  the  workmen  spring  into  their  places 
by  the  word  of  His  power. 

One  person  only,  could  have  lifted  the  veil  of  mys 
tery  from  his  antecedents, — our  hero  himself, — but  he 
declined  to  do  it,  nor  did  he  give  a  reason  for  the  silence 
he  maintained.  There  was  some  vague  hint  that  he 


16  DANIEL  MORGAN — HERO. 

was  of  Welsh  extraction  ;  his  parents  having  emigrated 
thither  somewhere  between  1720  and  1730.  But  no 
reminiscence  of  father,  mother,  sister  or  brother,  child 
hood  or  home  ever  escaped  him.  It  is  uncertain  whether 
he  had  his  birthplace  in  New  Jersey  or  Pennsylvania, 
his  family  having  lived  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  alter 
nately.  His  descendants  give  it  to  New  Jersey  about 
1736.  There  is  another  misty  suggestion,  that  he  ran 
away  from  home  upon  some  disagreement  with  his  father. 
We  would,  however,  better  take  him  just  as  we  find  him, 
Daniel  Morgan,  "Native  American"  in  its  loftiest  sense, 
asking  no  questions.  We  like  to  think  that  there  must 
have  been  honor  and  virtue  in  the  stock  that  sent  forth 
such  a  shoot — perhaps  wrong  and  injustice  somewhere ; 
but  over  all,  our  hero  draws  a  pall  of  unbroken  silence. 
Yet  we  know  of  a  surety  that  the  gods  were  there,  and 
did  set  their  seal  to  give  the  world  assurance  of  a  man. 

These  first  seventeen  years  of  Morgan's  life,  then,  we 
call  his  prehistoric  age — but  from  this  time  he  begins  to 
give  account  of  himself.  At  this  age  he  found  his  environ 
ments  too  straight,  and  for  causes  that  seemed  adequate 
to  justify  a  hegira,  he  left  his  home.  He  worked  his 
way  honestly  down  through  Pennsylvania,  and  in  the 
spring  of  1754,  crossed  into  Virginia,  and  stopped  at  a 
small  place — Oharlestown,  Jefferson  Co.  By  adoption, 
then,  Morgan  was  a  Virginian.  There  were  giants  in 
Virginia  in  those  days. 

So  this  boy  of  seventeen  shook  off  the  past,  and  looked 
the  world  fairly  in  the  face  on  his  own  account.  He  was 
poorly  equipped  as  to  external  helps.  He  could  barely 
read  and  write, — rude  of  speech  and  unvarnished  in  man 
ner  • — but  he  had  a  strong  arm  and  a  brave  heart ;  he  was 
honest  and  scorned  a  lie.  He  obtained  employment  imme 
diately  ;  his  first  task  being  to  grub  a  piece  of  ground,  in 
a  primitive  state.  Doing  this  well,  he  presently  superin 
tended  a  saw-mill,  and  shortly  after,  obtained  the  more 


DANIEL  MORGAN — HERO.  17 

lucrative  and  responsible  post  of  wagoner.  The  savings 
of  two  years  more  of  honest  toil,  made  him  owner  of  a 
wagon  and  team.  These  two  years  had  wrought  a  marked 
improvement  in  Morgan.  The  boy  was  developing  a  mag 
nificent  physique — over  six  feet  in  height,  limbs  of  fine 
proportion,  sinews  of  iron — a  young  Hercules,  with  a  face 
full  of  frank  intelligence  ;  with  all,  a  good  stock  of  mother 
wit  and  practical  common  sense.  He  had  found  time, 
too,  to  improve  his  mind,  and  had  gained  the  confidence 
of  his  neighbors. 

But  stirring  events  were  at  hand.  The  French  had  long 
looked  with  jealous  eyes  at  the  vigorous  young  English 
settlements  that  had  climbed  the  Alleghanies  and  were 
pushing  rapidly  towards  the  valley  of  the  Ohio.  French 
and  English  blood  had  already  crimsoned  its  green  slopes. 
French  arms  had  wrested  from  the  English  the  fort  at  its 
headrwaters,  and  young  Colonel  Washington  had  suffered 
a  defeat  at  "  Great  Meadows."  The  English  government, 
alarmed  at  the  success  of  the  French,  sent  a  splendidly- 
equipped  army,  under  General  Braddock,  to  reinstate 
British  interests  on  the  Ohio.  He  arrived  in  the  Poto 
mac,  disembarked  and  marched  to  Fort  Cumberland.  Here 
the  call  for  wagons  and  teams  was  urgent.  Morgan  at 
once  responded,  and  commenced  his  military  career  as  a 
teamster.  It  is  on  this  march  that  we  read  the  first  charac 
teristic  anecdote  of  him  : 

"  A  difficulty  arose  between  the  captain  of  a  compaiiy 
of  Virginia  troops  (to  which  Morgan  was  attached  as 
wagoner)  and  a  powerful  fellow,  who  had  the  reputation  of 
being  a  skillful  pugilist  and  a  great  bully.  It  was  agreed 
that  at  the  first  halt  the  matter  should  be  settled  by  a 
fight.  When  the  company  halted  for  dinner,  the  captain 
stepped  out  to  meet  his  antagonist,  when  Morgan  accosted 
him,  saying  :  ( Captain,  you  must  not  fight  that  man/ 

"'Why  not?' 

" '  Because  you  are  our  captain,  and  if  the  fellow  whips 


18  DANIEL  MORGAN — HERO. 

you,  we  shall  all  be  disgraced.  Let  me  fight  him,  and  if 
he  whips  me,  it  will  not  hurt  the  credit  of  the  company.' 

"  The  captain  remonstrated,  but  at  last  yielded.  Mor 
gan  at  once  engaged  the  bully,  who  soon  cried — 'hold, 
enough  !'"* 

Soon  after,  followed  the  shameful  defeat  and  retreat  of 
Braddock,  pursued  by  the  French  and  Indians.  Most  of 
the  terrified  teamsters  in  the  rear  of  the  army,  on  learning 
of  the  disaster,  disencumbered  their  teams  and  drove  off 
to  the  settlements.  Not  Morgan, — he  with  a  few  others 
remained  to  bring  off  the  sick  and  wounded.  He  doubt 
less  witnessed  the  burial  of  Braddock  in  the  road,  Wash 
ington  reading  the  burial  service  and  afterwards  driving 
over  the  grave,  as  did  all  the  wagons,  to  prevent  its  dis 
covery  by  the  Indians.  Here  Morgan  first  saw  Washing 
ton,  who  was  from  this  time  one  of  his  chief  inspirations 
to  all  goodness  and  nobleness.  . 

The  effect  of  the  defeat  of  Braddock  was  to  lay  open 
the  whole  terrified  frontier  settlements  of  Pennsylvania 
and  Virginia  to  the  vengeance  of  the  foe.  The  governor 
of  Virginia  promptly  raised  a  regiment  and  appointed 
Washington  to  its  command.  Morgan,  as  teamster,  was 
attached  to  the  quartermaster's  department.  His  duty 
was  to  transport  supplies  to  the  military  posts  along  the 
frontier.  This  constantly  exposed  him  to  hair-breadth 
escapes  from  the  lurking  foe ;  but  it  was  the  school  in 
which  he  was  training  for  the  infallible  marksman  he 
afterwards  became,  and  to  that  perfect  knowledge  of 
Indian  warfare  so  invaluable  in  his  subsequent  career. 
In  the  spring  of  1757,  at  Fort  Chiswell,  occurred  an  event 
which  left  indelible  marks  upon  body  and  mind. 

"A  British  lieutenant,  taking  offence  at  something 
which  Morgan  had  said  or  done,  abused  him  in  violent 
terms,  and  at  length  struck  him  with  the  flat  of  his  sword. 

*  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan,  p.  28. 


DANIEL   MORGAN — HEKO.  19 

Morgan's  indomitable  spirit  could  not  brook  this  outrage. 
"With  one  blow  of  his  clenched  fist,  he  stretched  the  officer 
senseless  on  the  ground.  An  offence  so  grave  against 
military  law  called,  of  course,  for  summary  and  exemplary 
punishment.  A  drum-head  court-martial  sentenced  Mor 
gan  to  receive  five  hundred  lashes.  He  was  immediately 
stripped  arid  tied  up,  and  received  at  once  the  allotted 
number  of  lashes,  save  one.  When  the  terrible  enormity 
was  over,  the  flesh  of  his  back  hung  down  in  tags.  Only 
such  an  iron  constitution  as  his  could  have  survived  an 
act  of  cruelty  so  extraordinary,  even  in  the  British  army 
of  that  day.  The  officer  feeling,  upon  reflection,  that  he 
had  been  in  the  wrong,  and  regretting  the  consequences 
which  had  followed,  made  Morgan  a  public  apology.  Slight 
as  such  atonement  was  for  so  deep  an  injury,  Morgan 
accepted  it,  and  from  that  moment  discharged  from  his 
mind  all  resentment  towards  the  author  of  his  sufferings 
and  disgrace."  * 

Here  crops  out  that  incredible  magnanimity  which  was 
so  large  an  element  in  Morgan's  character.  That  British 
whipping  was,  however,  to  be  paid  back  with  interest. 

Soon  after,  the  French  and  Indians  came  down  in  such 
numbers  into  Virginia  that  the  whole  garrison  of  Fort 
Edward,  within  twenty  miles  of  Winchester,  fell  victims 
to  their  fury.  So  great  was  the  consternation,  that  the 
militia  was  called  out.  Morgan  promptly  obeyed  the  call, 
and  marched  to  Fort  Edward.  Here  he  makes  his  first 
appearance  as  a  soldier.  His  rank  we  do  not  know,  but 
it  must  have  been  one  of,  at  least,  temporary  command. 
The  fort  was  attacked  by  a  formidable  body  of  French 
and  Indians.  The  assault  was  furious,  but  the  inspiration 
of  Morgan's  presence  and  example  resulted  in  the  repulse 
and  flight  of  the  assailants.  It  is  said  that  he  killed  four 
savages  in  as  many  minutes.  Morgan's  voice,  under  the 

*  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan. 


20  DANIEL   MORGAN — HERO. 

stimulus  of  the  battlefield,  was  worth  a  regiment  of  men. 
As  the  savages  turned  and  fled,  he  shouted  at  the  height 
of  his  powerful  voice,  "  Let  us  follow  the  red  devils ; " 
the  garrison  to  a  man  joined  in  the  pursuit,  overtook  and 
slaughtered  the  flying  foe,  and  cleared  the  vicinity  of  their 
cruel  presence.  Here  Morgan  made  his  mark.  The  cool 
ness  not  less  than  the  daring,  the  judgment  not  less  than 
the  courage,  above  all,  his  influence  over  those  he  com 
manded,  were  observed  and  reported. 

He  was  soon  after  commended  to  Governor  Dinwiddie 
for  a  captain's  commission.  But  the  royal  governor  was 
averse  to  promotions  —  one  who  was  but  yesterday  a 
teamster  !  * 

The  leading  men  of  his  section  continued,  however,  to 
urge  his  advancement,  in  view  of  the  value  of  his  influence 
in  raising  recruits.  There  was  little  difficulty  in  getting 
men  to  enlist  under  Morgan.  At  last  Dinwiddie  so  far 
yielded  as  to  grant  him  an  ensign's  commission.  He  took 
post  at  once  at  Fort  Edward. 

Not  long  after  occurred  that  tragic  and  deadly  encoun 
ter  with  a  party  of  Indians,  where  the  unseen  God  of 
heroes  plucked  him  from  out  the  very  jaws  of  death. 

*  In  illustration  of  Governor  Dinwiddie's  arrogance,  it  is  related 
that  lie  had  much  offended  Washington  by  making  the  king's 
officers  always  outrank  the  American  officers  of  the  same  grade. 
This  reduced  Washington  from  the  rank  of  colonel  to  captain.  For 
a  time  Dinwiddie  allowed  no  higher  rank  than  captain  for  any 
American  officer.  Washington  indignantly  threw  up  his  commis 
sion  and  accompanied  Braddock  as  volunteer  aid.  Some  time  after 
this,  Governor  Sharpe,  of  Maryland,  who  greatly  needed  him,  pro 
posed  to  Washington  to  return  to  the  service,  with  the  title  of 
colonel  but  the  actual  authority  of  captain.  With  characteristic 
dignity,  Washington  wrote,  "  If  you  think  me  capable  of  holding  a 
commission  that  has  neither  rank  nor  emolument  annexed  to  it,  you 
must  maintain  a  very  contemptible  opinion  of  my  weakness,  and 
believe  me  more  empty  than  the  commission  itself."  He  was  at 
this  time  in  his  twenty-third  year. 


DANIEL   MORGAN — HERO.  ^1 

On  his  way  from  one  of  the  frontier  forts  with  despatches 
for  the  commanding  officer  at  Winchester,  he  had  reached 
a  remarkable  precipice  called  Hanging  Eock.  It  was  a 
memorable  place  of  Indian  ambuscade,  and  had  been  the 
scene  of  bloody  encounters  between  the  rival  tribes  of  Ca- 
tawba  and  Delaware  Indians.  A  party  of  Frenchmen  and 
Indians  had  concealed  themselves  among  the  rocks  over 
hanging  the  road,  and  waiting  until  Morgan  and  his  escort 
came  immediately  below,  they  discharged  their  rifles,  kill 
ing  the  escort  and  desperately  wounding  Morgan.  A  ball 
entering  at  the  back  of  the  neck,  grazed  the  left  side  of 
the  neck  bone  ;  it  passed  through  the  mouth  near  the 
socket  of  the  jaw-bone,  and  came  out  through  the  left 
cheek,  knocking  out  all  the  teeth  on  the  left  side.  Mor 
gan  supposed  himself  mortally  wounded  ;  he  was  bleeding 
profusely,  and  felt  himself  becoming  helplessly  weak. 
He  was  well  mounted,  however,  and  leaning  forward,  he 
grasped  the  neck  of  the  noble  animal  and  urged  her  into 
motion.  Fortunately  for  her  rider,  she  took  the  road 
back  to  the  fort.  A  fleet  Indian  runner  followed  him  for 
some  time,  expecting  every  moment  to  see  him  fall  from 
his  horse.  Morgan's  one  thought  was  to  get  beyond  the 
reach  of  his  pursuers  and  so  save  his  body  from  mutila 
tion.  With  his  last  strength  he  urged  on  the  animal 
with  his  heels,  and  putting  forth  all  her  speed,  she  bore 
him  beyond  the  reach  of  the  Indian,  never  slackening  her 
speed  until  she  reached  the  fort.  Morgan  was  lifted  from 
his  horse  perfectly  insensible.  He  lay  for  months  between 
life  and  death,  but  care  and  judicious  treatment,  with  the 
iron  fibre  of  his  constitution,  brought  him  again  to  life 
and  strength.  Notwithstanding  the  innumerable  perils 
he  encountered  in  his  long  military  career — and  his  place 
was  evermore  in  the  fore-front  of  the  battle,  and  in  the 
hottest  of  the  fight — this  was  the  only  wound  he  ever 
received. 

"The  late  Morgan  Neville  (a  grandson  of  Morgan),  in 


22  DANIEL  MORGAN — HERO. 

a  biographical  sketch  of  the  general,  says  :  '  I  well  remem 
ber,  when  a  boy,  hearing  General  Morgan  describe  in  his 
powerful  and  graphic  style,  the  expression  of  the  Indian's 
face  as  he  ran  with  open  mouth  and  tomahawk  in  hand, 
by  the  side  of  his  horse,  expecting  every  moment  to  see 
his  victim  fall.  But  when  the  panting  savage  found  the 
horse  was  fast  leaving  him  behind,  he  threw  his  tomahawk 
without  effect  and  abandoned  the  pursuit  with  a  yell  of 
disappointed  rage.'"  * 

But  the  war  drew  to  its  close — a  war  too  much  crowded 
out  of  our  sight  and  sympathy  by  the  brilliant  associations 
of  our  struggle  for  independence— yet  a  scarcely  less  im 
portant  one,  since  it  secured  this  North  American  conti 
nent  to  the  custody  of  Anglo-Saxon  Protestant  civilization. 


Morgan  had  done  brave  service  and  was  home  again  ; 
but  he  had  brought  with  him,  besides  military  glory,  dis 
cipline,  and  experience,  the  vices  of  the  camp.  Here  begins 
a  period  of  wild-oat  sowing.  Says  his  biographer,  "He 
weighed  at  this  time  two  hundred  pounds,  yet  without 
an  ounce  of  superfluous  flesh."  With  such  a  constitution 
he  could  drink  deeply,  yet  was  never  seen  intoxicated. 
He  gambled,  and  always  played  a  winning  game.  His 
fame  as  an  athlete  went  far  and  near,  and  noted  pugilists 
came  to  try  his  skill.  He  kept  the  field.  In  short,  we 
are  sketching  the  career  of  one  with  whose  name  failure 
keeps  no  company.  Morgan  was  a  marvellous  success  from 
beginning  to  end. 

It  was  but  a  brief  episode  in  the  great  man's  life ;  for 
God  sent  his  angel  to  him,  in  the  form  of  a  modest,  lov 
ing,  devout  woman,  unschooled,  untrained,  the  daughter 
of  a  farmer  of  Morgan's  own  rank  in  life — by  name, 

*  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan. 


DANIEL   MORGAN — HERO.  23 

Abigail  Bailey.  The  rustic  beauty  laid  her  maidenly  spell 
upon  the  strong  man  and  drew  him  gently  away  from  his 
evil  courses.  "  The  light  of  her  eyes  smote  into  his  life," 
and  he  left  all, — his  tavern  boon  companions,  the  righting 
ring,  the  gaming-table  and  the  wine-cup,  and  followed  her 
into  clean  paths. 

Through  these  years  of  wild  life,  he  had  yet  maintained 
his  habits  of  thrift  and  industry,  and  was  able  to  establish 
his  wife  in  a  handsome  two-story  dwelling — for  those 
days — on  a  valuable  piece  of  land  about  ten  miles  east  of 
Winchester.  He  called  it  "  Soldier's  Rest." 

He  was  soon  called  from  his  quiet  home  by  the  outbreak 
of  Pontiac's  War.  During  this  struggle  he  held  the  rank 
of  lieutenant,  and  lost  nothing  of  his  military  reputation. 
The  war  was  a  short  one,  and,  returning  home,  Morgan 
had  nine  years  of  happy  life  in  the  pure  atmosphere  of  a 
Christian  household.  Uneventful  they  seem  in  such  a 
career  as  his,  yet  most  important  —  years  of  noiseless 
influences,  and  quiet  development  of  all  the  germs  of 
virtue  and  nobleness  in  his  deep,  broad  nature.  Abigail 
and  two  soft-eyed  little  girls  were  his  household  treasures. 
His  wife's  influence  was  most  marked  ;  helpful  alike  to 
his  moral  and  mental  growth.  Both  felt  keenly  their 
educational  deficiencies,  and  both  worked  earnestly  to 
supply  the  lack.  It  is  said  that  in  after  years,  Mrs.  Mor 
gan  filled  with  ease  and  dignity  the  high  social  position 
to  which  her  husband  advanced  her. 

His  material  interests  during  this  period  were  by  no 
means  neglected.  His  farming  and  stock-raising  brought 
him  rich  returns  ;  while  his  military  grants  for  services  in 
the  previous  wars  had  made  him  a  large  land-owner. 

In  1771,  Gov.  Nelson  commissioned  him  captain  of  the 
militia  of  Frederick  county.  Two  years  after  we  find  him 
again  in  military  service,  on  the  frontier,  in  Lord  Dun- 
more's  war.  At  its  successful  termination,  on  their  return 
home,  the  division  to  which  Morgan  was  attached  heard 


24  DANIEL   MORGAN" — IIEKO. 

of  the  startling  events  at  the  north,  and  the  threatening 
aspect  of  public  affairs — the  closing  of  the  Port  of  Boston, 
the  appointment  of  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer,  and  the 
meeting  of  the  first  National  Congress  for  deliberation,  at 
Philadelphia. 

In  a  sketch  of  Morgan's  military  career,  written  by 
himself,  occurs  the  following  :  — "Upon  learning  these 
things,  we,  as  an  army  victorious,  formed  ourselves  into  a 
society,  pledging  our  word  of  honor  to  each  other,  to 
assist  our  brethren  of  Boston  in  case  hostilities  should 
commence." 

Events  followed  with  startling  rapidity.  Lexington, 
April  19,  1775  ;  Breeds  Hill,  June  17  ;  June  10,  the 
Continental  Congress,  and  on  the  14th  the  appointment 
of  George  Washington  as  commander-in-chief  of  the 
twenty  thousand  men  to  be  raised  for  .the  defence  of 
American  liberties.  Congress  also  called  into  service  ten 
companies  of  riflemen  from  Pennsylvania,  Maryland  and 
Virginia.  Of  one  of  the  two,  from  Virginia,  Morgan  was 
by  unanimous  vote  of  the  committee  of  Frederick  county, 
chosen  captain. 

He  had  for  some  time  intelligently  watched  the  points 
in  dispute  between  England  and  America  and  had  taken 
his  position.  He  saw  it  in  its  various  aspects  ;  but  most 
of  all  he  weighed  it  as  a  question  of  justice  and  human 
rights ;  whether  the  sham  manhood  of  the  old  world 

O  7 

should  tread  down  the  real  manhood  of  the  new.  He 
embraced  the  cause  of  the  Revolution  with  all  the  intensity 
of  his  nature. 

His  commission  was  dated  June  22,  1775.  In  less  than 
ten  days,  he  left  Winchester  at  the  head  of  ninety-six 
hardy  mountain  yeomanry  who  had  promptly  answered  to 
his  call, — all  practised  marksmen  with  the  rifle.  - 

They  marched  to  Boston  in  twenty-one  days,  a  distance 
of  six  hundred  miles,  without  the  loss  of  a  man,  and 
reported  to  the  commander-in-chief. 


n. 

BENEDICT  ARNOLD— MOCK  HERO. 

"  Techy  and  wayward  was  thy  infancy, 
Thy  school-days,  frightful,  desperate,  wild  and  furious, 
Thy  prime  of  manhood,  daring,  bold  and  venturous, 
Thy  age  confirmed,  proud,  subtle,  sly  and  bloody. 
Shame  serves  thy  life  and  doth  thy  death  attend." 

ElCHABD  III. 

BEFORE  proceeding  further  in  Morgan's  career,  we 
must  look  after  our  mock-hero,  Benedict  Arnold  ; 
for  these  two  begin  now  to  bear  each  other  company,  and 
so  continue  with  brief  intervals,  until  after  the  surrender 
of  Burgoyne,  mid-way  of  the  war. 

We  shall  find  sharp  contrasts  from  the  very  outset.  We 
have  said  of  Morgan  that  he  was  a  marvellous  success  ; 
we  have  to  say  of  Arnold  that  he  was  an  unmitigated 
failure  from  first  to  last.  Victory  fled  from  him — honor 
would  none  of  him  :  the  way  of  the  transgressor  was  hard. 

The  child  was  father  to  the  man.  Born  at  Norwich, 
Connecticut,  1740,  of  fine  old  colonial  stock,  which  had 
deteriorated  on  the  paternal  side.  He  had  an  excellent 
mother.  One  of  his  favorite  boyish  amusements  was, 
the  robbing  of  birds'  nests  and  mangling  the  young  in 
sight  of  the  old  birds,  that  he  might  be  entertained 
by  their  piteous  cries.  His  family  was  in  such  cir 
cumstances  that  he  enjoyed  very  fair  opportunities  of 
education,  one  of  his  tutors  being  Dr.  Jewett,  a  teach 
er  of  celebrity;  but  he  showed  no  fondness  for  study, 
and  was  therefore  apprenticed  to  the  brothers  Lathrop, 


2G  BENEDICT    ARNOLD— MOCK-HERO. 

druggists,  at  Norwich — men  of  wealth,  energy  and  in 
tegrity. 

They  were  relatives  of  Arnold's  mother,  and  disposed 
to  advance  the  boy's  interests — the  more  because  his 
father  had  sunk  into  intemperance,  poverty  and  obscurity. 
But  his  patrons  soon  found  they  had  taken  a  bad  subject. 
He  was  ungrateful,  deaf  to  entreaty  or  advice,  impatient 
of  restraint,  without  natural  affection  or  conscience,  utterly 
indifferent  to  good  or  ill  report,  and  possessing  an  innate 
and  inveterate  love  of  cruel  mischief  and  wanton  destruc 
tion — on  this  wise  : 

"  Near  the  drug  shop  was  a  school-house,  and  he  would 
scatter  in  the  path  broken  pieces  of  glass,  taken  from  the 
crates,  by  which  the  children  would  cut  their  feet  in  going 
to  and  from  school.  Cracked  and  imperfect  phials  were 
perquisites  of  the  apprentices  ;  an  amiable  fellow  apprentice 
was  in  the  habit  of  placing  his  share  on  the  outside  of  the 
door  and  letting  the  small  boys  take  them  away.  Arnold  did 
the  same,  but  when  he  had  thus  decoyed  the  boys,  and  they 
were  busy  picking  them  up,  he  would  rush  out,  horsewhip 
in  hand,  call  them  thieves,  and  beat  them  without  mercy. 

"He  was  likewise  fond  of  all  feats  of  daring,  always 
foremost  in  danger  and  as  fearless  as  he  was  wickedly 
mischievous.  Sometimes  he  took  corn  to  a  grist  mill,  and 
while  waiting  for  the  meal,  he  would  amuse  himself  and 
astonish  his  playmates,  by  clinging  to  the  arms  of  a  large 
water-wheel  and  passing  with  it  beneath  and  above  the 
water."  * 

No  marvel  that  such  a  character  should  have  despised 
the  monotony  of  the  drug  shop,  and  at  sixteen  enlisted  in 
the  British  army  without  the  knowledge  of  his  friends. 
The  grief  of  his  mother  induced  her  pastor  Dr.  Lord  and 
others  to  interfere,  and  effect  his  release. 

He  ran  away  a  second  time,  re-enlisted  and  was   stci- 

*  For  this  and  more,  soe  "Sparks'  Life  ef  Arnold." 


BENEDICT   ARNOLD— MOCK   HERO.  27 

tioncd  at  Ticonderoga.  But  garrison  duty  was  tame — it 
involved  restraint,  discipline,  and  obedience,  and  as  there 
Avas  neither  profit  nor  adventure  to  offset  these,  he  deserted 
and  returned  to  Norwich.  When  a  British  officer  soon 
after  passed  through  the  town  in  search  of  deserters,  young 
Arnold  was  secreted  by  his  friends  in  a  cellar.  During 
the  time  of  his  residence  in  Mr.  Lathrop's  family,  he  gave 
infinite  trouble.  Happily  for  her,  his  mother,  borne  down 
with  grief  and  anxiety  and  melancholy  forebodings  of  the 
future  of  this  wayward  boy,  sunk  broken-hearted  into  the 
grave  before  he  reached  his  manhood. 

At  the  end  of  his  apprenticeship,  the  Lathrops  kindly 
assisted  him  to  commence  the  drug  business  in  New  Haven. 
He  showed  energy  but  no  judgment,  and  soon  embarked 
in  shipping  to  the  West  Indies,  in  addition  to  his  regular 
business.  He  made  several  voyages  thither,  and  fought 
one  or  two  duels.  His  turbulent,  imperious  manners,  and 
his  want  of  moral  principle,  continually  involved  him  in 
contention  and  difficulty,  and  his  speculations  finally 
"ended  in  bankruptcy,  under  circumstances  that  left  a 
stain  upon  his  honesty  and  good  faith." 

We  do  not  gather  grapes  of  thorns  nor  figs  of  thistles — 
and  the  development  of  Arnold's  subsequent  villainy, 
seems  eminently  logical,  consecutive  and  legitimate. 

He  is  an  uncanny  subject  to  dissect ;  one  can  find 
nothing  but  foulness  and  deformity.  His  combativeness 
and  destructiveness  were  inordinate  ;  his  dominant  passion 
was  avarice,  which  developed  with  frightful  rapidity.  The 
love  of  mastery  was  strong  ;  his  will  was  a  cyclone ;  a 
scheming  visionary  withal,  and  utterly  without  delicacy  or 
sentiment.  No  justification,  apology  or  extenuation  seem 
possible.  Explanation,  perhaps,  in  the  fact  that  he  was 
born  almost  or  altogether  without  moral  sense.  The  word 
idiot  expresses  one  born  without  intellect,  but  it  remains 
for  our  lexicographers  to  supply  us  a  word  for  one  born 
without  moral  sense. 


28  BENEDICT  AKNOLI) — MOCK   HEIIO. 

Given  the  elements — with  the  plus  and  minus  that 
went  to  make  up  Benedict  Arnold — we  could  have  no 
other  than  the  miserable  outcome  the  world  got.  Though 
we  can  by  no  means  repress  the  loathing,  we  find  ourselves 
forbidden  either  to  hate  or  scorn  ;  human  depravity,  pass 
ing  a  certain  point,  excites  pity  rather  than  any  other 
feeling.  A  great  mystery  is  here  wrapped  up.  We  can 
not  break  the  seals;  "vessels  of  wrath,"  " raging  waves 
foaming  out  their  own  shame,"  "  wandering  stars"  loosed 
from  their  orbits  "to  whom  is  reserved  the  blackness  of 
darkness." 

Out  of  such  volcanic  forces  it  is  clear  we  can  get  no 
generalship.  Arnold  was  a  military  blunderer,  nothing 
more.  The  war  found  him  a  ruined  merchant,  and  as 
military  life  opened  before  him  a  prospect  of  adventure, 
distinction  and  profit,  he  eagerly  entered  upon  it.  He 
was  captain  of  a  New  Haven  company  when  the  news  of 
the  massacre  of  Lexington  reached  the  town.  He  assem 
bled  his  company,  harangued  his  townsmen,  and  proposed 
to  lead  any  number  of  volunteers  who  would  go  with  him, 
to  Boston. 

Sixty  assembled  the  next  day  ;  they  had  no  ammunition. 
Arnold  applied  to  the  selectmen,  but  they  refused  to  fur 
nish  it  without  higher  authority.  Arnold  sent  word  that 
if  the  keys  of  the  magazine  were  not  forthcoming,  he  would 
break  it  open.  The  selectmen  yielded. 


The  project  of  a  sudden  descent  upon  Ticonderoga  had 
already  been  quietly  matured  at  Hartford,  and  a  party 
of  Connecticut  men  had  gone  forward  to  join  Ethan 
Allen  and  his  Green  Mountain  boys.  Arnold  had  got 
some  hint  of  this,  but  he  hoped  yet  to  outstrip  them,  for 
immediately  on  reaching  Cambridge  he  represented  to  the 
"Massachusetts  Committee  of  Safety,"  in  the  liveliest 


BENEDICT    ARNOLD — MOCK    HEKO.  29 

colors,  the  practicability  and  advantages  of  such  an  enter 
prise.  They  at  once  commissioned  him  colonel  in  the 
Massachusetts  service,  furnished  him  one  hundred  pounds 
in  cash,  with  authority  to  draw  further  sums  for  all 
necessary  supplies  and  provisions  for  a  body  of  troops 
not  to  exceed  four  hundred.  These  he  was  to  enlist 
in  the  western  part  of  the  State  and  proceed  to  Ticon- 
deroga. 

Arnold  hastened  to  the  western  frontier,  and  there 
heard  that  the  other  detachment  had  reached  Lake  Cham- 
plain.  He  left  his  party,  and  with  only  one  attendant, 
pushed  on  and  overtook  them  twenty-five  miles  from 
Ticonderoga.  He  announced  himself,  showed  his  com 
mission,  and  claimed  the  command  of  the  expedition. 
This  insolent  assurance  of  a  stranger,  assuming  to  act 
under  authority  which  they  did  not  recognize,  was 
promply  resented-,  especially  by  the  Vermont  boys,  who 
were  warmly  attached  to  Allen  ;  they  refused  to  march  a 
step  after  the  intruder. 

Seeing  he  could  not  carry  the  point,  Arnold  proposed 
to  accompany  them  as  a  volunteer,  holding  his  rank 
in  abeyance.  The  assault  upon  the  fort  was  successful, 
and  Arnold  insisted  upon  entering  the  gate  at  Allen's  left 
hand.  Fairly  in  the  fort,  this  meddling,  masterful  spirit 
again  asserted  his  right  to  the  command  of  the  post  and 
all  the  troops  ;  but  as  they  were  commissioned  and  paid 
by  Connecticut,  they  stoutly  withstood  him. 

Arnold  was  again  forced  to  submit,  under  protest,  how 
ever,  and  he  immediately  sent  a  list  of  grievances  to  the 
Massachusetts  Committee.  Meantime,  letters  had  been 
sent  back  both  to  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts  concern 
ing  his  insolent  conduct,  whereupon  the  legislature  ap 
pointed  a  committee  to  repair  to  Lake  Champlain  to 
investigate  the  "spirit,  capacity,  and  conduct"  of  Arnold, 
and  if  they  thought  it  advisable,  to  order  his  immediate 
return  to  Massachusetts,,  to  render  an  account  of  the 


30  BENEDICT   ARNOLD — MOCK   HERO. 

money,  ammunition  and  stores  lie  had  received,  and  the 
debts  he  had  contracted  in  the  name  of  the  colony.  He 
was  also  to  recognize  the  superior  authority  of  the  officer 
from  Connecticut. 

The  Committee  found  him  at  Crown  Point,  and  laid 
their  instructions  before  him.  Arnold  was  enraged  :  "He 
said  that  an  order  to  inquire  into  his  conduct  when  no 
charge  had  been  exhibited  against  him,  was  unprecedented; 
that  the  assumption  to  judge  of  his  capacity  and  spirit, 
was  an  indignity  :  that  this  point  ought  to  have  been 
decided  before  they  honored  him  with  their  confidence. 
He  declared  that  he  had  already  paid  out  of  his  own 
pocket  for  the  public  service  more  than  one  hundred 
pounds,  and  contracted  debts  on  his  personal  credit  in 
procuring  necessaries  for  the  army,  which  he  was  bound 
to  pay  or  leave  the  post  with  dishonor,  and  finally  that  he 
would  not  submit  to  the  degradation  of  being  superseded 
by  a  junior  officer.  He  followed  this  up  by  a  formal 
resignation."  * 

He  soon  afterward  returned  to  Cambridge  to  lodge  his 
complaints  of  ill-usage  against  the  legislature,  and  also  to 
present  his  accounts  for  settlement.  "  His  accounts  were 
finally,  all  owed  and  settled,  although  with  a  reluctance 
which  indicated  doubt  and  suspicion." 

So  much  for  Arnold's  part  in  the  capture  of  Ticon- 
deroga,  into  which  he  had  so  unhandsomely  thrust  him 
self,  and  to  which  he  contributed  no  necessary  or  essen 
tial  part ;  yet  he  managed  so  to  associate  himself  with 
it,  before  the  public,  that  he  unduly  shared  the  prestige 
of  the  enterprise,  while  the  waste  and  loss  and  ill  feel 
ing  which  he  had  occasioned  were  never  weighed  against 
him. 

Bat  his  mischievous  devices  at  this  time  extended 
farther.  "While  on  the  Lakes,  he  wrote  to  Congress  that 

*  Sparks'  Life  of  Arnold. 


BENEDICT   ARNOLD — MOCK   HERO.  31 

he  had  sent  an  agent  to  Montreal  to  investigate  the  British 
force  there,  and  discover  the  temper  of  the  Canadians 
towards  America.  He  wrote  in  high  feather,  sanguine 
that  the  whole  of  Canada  could  be  taken  with  two  thou 
sand  men,  laid  before  them  plans  for  the  campaign,,  offer 
ing  to  lead  the  expedition  and  be  responsible  for  the 
results.  He  assured  Congress  that  the  Canadians  had 
promised  to  open  the  gates  upon  the  appearance  of  an 
American  army,  and  that  General  Carleton  had  not  more 
than  five  hundred  effective  men,  who  were  scattered  at 
various  points. 

These  representations  were  by  no  means  without  effect, 
though  Congress  was  not  yet  prepared  to  act.  There 
were  doubtless  weighty  reasons  and  other  advocates  for 
the  attempt,  especially  among  the  members  from  the  New 
England  States.  Be  that  as  it  may,  certes  it  came  nigh 
to  be  a  Sicilian  expedition,  with  Arnold  for  its  Alcibiades. 

Two  months  later,  in  August,  1775,  Congress  ordered 
the  attack,  assigning  the  command,  however,  to  Schuyler. 
He  soon  fell  ill ;  most  likely  with  disgust.  Living  in 
Northern  New  York,  he  knew  something  of  the  perils  and 
impracticabilities  of  such  an  enterprise.  Bancroft  says, 
"  The  path  across  the  Atlantic  and  up  the  St.  Lawrence 
was  more  easily  traversed  than  the  road  by  land  from  the 
colonies  to  Quebec."  The  noble  Montgomery  succeeded 
Schuyler,  only  to  be  sacrificed.  They  were  to  proceed  by 
the  Lakes,  to  capture  ail  intervening  forts,  Montreal  and 
Quebec. 

Having  failed  to  win  Congress  to  his  schemes,  Arnold, 
now  idle  at  Cambridge,  since  resigning  his  Massachusetts 
commission,  got  the  ear  of  Washington,  and  urged  the  expe 
dition  through  Maine.*  He  showed  the  journal  of  a  British 
officer  who  had  made  the  journey,  and  also  a  manuscript 
map  of  the  country  watered  by  the  Kennebec.  He  had  been 

*  Maine  Hist.  Society,  Vol.  I,  p.  341. 


32  BENEDICT    ARNOLD — MOCK    HERO. 

himself  in  Canada,  and  knew  the  heart  of  the  Canadians. 
He  was  entirely  satisfied  of  the  feasibility  of  penetrating- 
Maine  with  a  division  of  the  army,  which  could  surprise 
Quebec,  now  so  feebly  garrisoned,  and  thus  co-operate 
with  Montgomery  in  the  reduction  of  Canada.  He  was 
certain  of  the  result,  and  proposed  himself  as  the  leader 
of  the  enterprise.  Phaeton  would  drive  Apollo's  steeds. 

Here  begins  that  strange  mastery  which  Arnold  exerted 
over  Washington  ;  that  incredible  fascination  which  held 
and  compelled  the  uninterrupted  favor  and  patronage  of 
the  commander-in-chief  —  a  fascination  which  nothing 
could  disparage  or  impair,  until  the  enormous  villainy  of 
West  Point  suddenly  uncovered  him. 


Ill— 1775. 
WASHINGTON  AND   HIS   GENERALS. 

WASHINGTON  towered  above  the  average  humanity. 
Ordinary  mortals  could  not  climb  to  his  level,  or 
exist  in  his  atmosphere.  The  faults  of  such  a  character 
could  only  be  virtues  in  excess.  The  elements  were  so 
mixed  in  him  that  it  is  impossible  to  know  whether  judg 
ment  outweighed  modesty,  modesty  courage,  courage  mag 
nanimity,  magnanimity  patience,  or  whether  integrity 
outweighed  them  all.  Yet  lie  knew  not  that  "  he  was  not 
as  other  men." 

Two  things  he  utterly  lacked — self-assertion  and  the 
power  to  suspect.  Washington  ivas  nothing  of  a  detective. 
lie  was  egregiously  deceived  in  Lee,  Gates  and  Arnold,  and 
unaccountably  continued  under  the  delusion. 

The  power  of  an  ignoble  over  a  noble  soul  is  as  old  as 
Eden.  Othello  in  the  toils  of  lago  shows  it;  Eichard, 
prince  of  villains,  with  his  superhuman  genius  of  destruc 
tion,  draws  all  about  him  into  his  current,  and  whirls 
with  them  down  the  swift  steeps  of  ruin. 

If  Benedict  Arnold  be  taken  as  the  product  of  a  New 
England  puritan  village,  he  is  scarcely  shamed  by  the' 
parallels  of  such  barbaric  times. 

Certain  it  is,  he  had  succeeded  in  achieving  a  sudden 
reputation  for  brilliant  military  talents,  and  "  the  cause" 
was  much  in  need  of  such.  Let  us  see  what  help  Wash 
ington  could  count  upon  in  prosecuting  the  heavy  work 
he  had  undertaken.  "  On  the  day  of  the  battle  of  Bunker 
Hill,  Congress  had  elected  four  Major  Generals  : — Arte- 


34  WASHINGTON    AND   HIS   GENERALS. 

mas  Ward,  a  worthy  man  of  some  ability,  but  old  and  out 
of  health  ;  Charles  Lee,  an  Englishman,  a  traitor,  a  mili 
tary  adventurer,  true  to  no  cause  and  no  man,  passionate, 
complaining  and  abusive,  and  in  time  of  danger,  a  coward. 
Philip  Schuyler,  a  true  patriot  and  a  true  man,  generously 
using  his  credit,  influence  and  resources  for  the  cause, 
but  he  lacked  nerve  ;  Israel  Putnam,  incompetent  for 
such  a  position  and-too  old  to  learn.  Horatio  Gates  came 
next  as  Adjutant  General,  with  rank  of  Brigadier,  a  place- 
seeker  without  character  or  military  talent." 

Bancroft  says  :  "  The  continent  took  up  arms  with  but 
one  general  officer  who  drew  to  himself  the  love  and  trust 
of  the  country,  and  with  not  one  of  the  five  below  him  fit 
to  succeed  to  his  place." 

They  also  elected  eight  Brigadier  Generals. 

"  Seth  Pomeroy. — Well  esteemed, — seventy  years  old. 

"  Richard  Montgomery. — Seventh  in  rank  from  Wash 
ington,  second  in  merit. 

"  David  Wooster. — A  man  of  integrity  and  patriotism, — 
sixty-five  years  old. 

"  William  Heath. — Vain  and  incompetent. 

"  Joseph  Spencer. — Highly  esteemed,  but  without  ex 
perience. 

"John  Thomas. — Next  to  Montgomery  in  merit. 

"  John  Sullivan. — Vain,  boastful  and  ambitious. 

"Nathaniel  Greene. — Who,  after  Washington;  had  no 
superior  in  natural  resources." 

These  are  substantially  Bancroft's  estimates. 

This  was  a  far  more  unpromising  military  list  than  a>iy 
one  at  that  time  suspected ;  yet  Washington  had  urged 
upon  Congress  the  appointment  of  both  Lee  and  Gates, 
and  himself  gave  Arnold  his  commission. 

Congress  had  honored  Washington  with  large  responsi 
bility,  but  the  authority  that  should  have  accompanied  it 
was  reserved  to  itself,  multiplying  infinitely  his  labors  and 
vexations.  King  George  and  the  British  army  were, 


WASHINGTON     AND    II FS    GENERALS.  o5 

throughout  the  whole  war,  the  least  of  his  afflictions. 
While  he  arranged,  Congress  and  its  "Boards  of  War" 
disarranged.  The  cause  was  constantly  to  be  saved  from 
its  friends.  Besides  his  immediate  prodigious  army  corre 
spondence,  he  conducted  another  equally  prodigious,  with 
members  of  Congress,  state  governors  and  officers,  with 
private  individuals  and  with  foreign  courts  and  officials. 
All  complaints  and  grievances,  from  all  and  whatever 
quarters,  were  lodged  with  him.  It  required  oftentimes 
the  whole  weight  of  his  influence  to  keep  patriot  soldiers 
like  Schuyler  and  Montgomery  to  their  posts,  against  the 
superhuman  discouragements  and  difficulties  that  beset 
them.  On  one  occasion,  after  an  eloquent  appeal  to  their 
patriotism,  which  necessitated  a  short  essay  rather  than 
letter,  he  adds  :  "  God  knows  there  is  not  a  difficulty  that 
you  both  justly  complain  of,  which  I  have  not  in  an  emi 
nent  degree  experienced,  that  I  am  not  this  day  experi 
encing;  but  we  must  bear  up  against  them  and  make  the 
best  of  mankind  as  they  are,  since  we  cannot  have  them 
as  we  wish." 

He  must  right  the  wrongs  of  unappreciated  merit, 
soothe  the  pangs  of  wounded  ambition  and  adjust  the 
jealousies  of  the  officers  among  themselves. 

They  called  for  their  honors  in  advance.  Passing  the 
sour  and  surly  demands  of  pronounced  traitors  and  place- 
seekers  like  Lee,  Arnold,  Gates  and  Burr,  what  a  ma 
jestic  patience  it  required  for  this — from  Brigadier  General 
Greene  : 

"Loxo  ISLAND,  May  21,  1776. 

"  Dear  Sir : — From  the  last  accounts  from  Great 
Britain,  it  appears  absolutely  necessary  that  there  should 
be  an  augmentation  of  the  American  forces,  in  conse 
quence  of  which  I  suppose  there  will  be  several  promo 
tions.  As  I  have  no  desire  of  quitting  the  service,  I 
hope  the  Congress  will  take  no  measure  that  will  lay 
me  under  the  disagreeable  necessity  of  doing  it.  *  *  * 


36  WASHINGTON    AND   HIS   GENERALS. 

I  have  ever  found  myself  exceedingly  happy  under  your 
Excellency's  command.  I  wish  my  ability  to  deserve  was 
equal  to  my  inclination  to  merit.  How  far  I  have  suc 
ceeded  in  my  endeavors,  I  submit  to  your  Excellency's 
better  judgment.  I  hope  I  shall  never  be  more  fond  of 
promotion  than  studious  to  merit  it.  *  *  *  Modesty 
will  ever  forbid  me  to  apply  to  that  House  for  any  favors. 
I  consider  myself  immediately  under  your  Excellency's 
protection,  and  look  up  to  you  for  justice.  Every  man 
feels  himself  wounded  where  he  finds  himself  neglected," 
etc.,  etc.,  etc.* 

The  campaign  from  August  1776  to  January  1777,  dis 
closed  equally, — the  stupidity  of  Congress,  in  disregarding 
the  suggestions  of  Washington,  and  themselves  undertaking 
to  direct  his  military  movements, — the  woeful  incapacity 
of  his  officers,  and  his  own  utter  lack  of  self-assertion. 

Concerning  the  Canadian  expedition,  though  we  no 
where  find  that  Washington  opposed  it,  yet  we  do  not  find 
that  he  proposed  it.  Three  years  subsequently,  in  1778, 
when  the  French  had  come  openly  to  our  help,  and  Con 
gress  suggested  another  attempt  to  conquer  it  in  the 
interest  of  the  French, — Washington  promptly  discouraged 
it,  urging  that  "it  was  not  to  the  interest  of  the  United 
States  that  a  power  of  diiferent  race,  language  and  re 
ligion  should  have  a  footing  on  this  continent." 

Washington  at  all  times  obeyed  the  orders  of  Congress 
so  promptly,  that  they  might  have  seemed  to  emanate 
from  his  own  conviction.  Every  energy  was  used  to  bring 
its  plans  to  success,  or  failing  this,  to  retrieve  the  disaster. 

Eightly  estimating  the  demands  of  the  campaign,  he 
knew  that  the  force  dispatched  under  Montgomery  was 
inadequate  for  its  accomplishment.  He  was  the  more 
inclined  to  this  Maine  reinforcement,  because  he  could  at 
this  time  spare  the  troops.  His  own  army  was  maintain- 

*  Washington's  Correspondence  (Sparks'),  Vol.  I,  p.  2oG. 


WASHINGTON"    AND     HIS    GENERALS.  37 

ing  a  forced  inactivity  before  Boston,  for  want  of  ammu 
nition  ;  the  more  trying  from  the  fact  that  Congress  and 
the  War  Board  had  repeatedly  signified  its  desire  that  he 
should  assume  the  offensive.  He  could  neither  act  nor 
with  safety  disclose  the  reason  of  his  inaction ;  but  being 
more  careful  of  the  cause  he  served  than  of  his  reputation, 
he  silently  took  the  censure. 

These  considerations,  together  with  the  persistent  coun 
sels  of  the  "fair-spoken  and  persuading"  Arnold,  pre 
vailed.  The  reinforcement  of  the  Canadian  army  by  way 
of  the  wilderness  of  Maine  was  ordered,  and  Arnold  ap 
pointed  to  lead  it.  The  essentials  to  its  success  were— 
dispatch  and  secrecy.  A  British  army  would  certainly 
arrive  in  Canada  in  the  spring.  It  was  now  or  never. 
Arnold  assured  Washington  that  the  march  could  be  made 
in  twenty  days,  and  maintained  his  assertion  that  two 
thousand  men  could  achieve  the  conquest  of  the  province. 
No  one  appears  to  have  contradicted  his  assertions  or 
questioned  his  estimates;  for  the  wilderness  was  terra 
incognita  to  all  but  himself.  Because  an  exploring  party 
of  British  officers  had  penetrated  this  country,  lightly 
equipped,  choosing  their  own  time  and  season,  with  no  end 
in  view  but  the  exploration,  it  scarcely  followed  that  an 
army  could  drag  its  supplies  and  military  equipments 
through  such  a  country  at  double  quick,  so  to  speak,  and 
emerge  in  condition  for  instant  assault  upon  the  strongest 
position  on  the  continent.  Yet  this  they  were  expected 
to  do. 


IV.— 1775,  1776. 
THROUGH    THE  WILDERNESS. 

THE  force  detached  for  service  in  Canada  amounted 
to  about  eleven  hundred  men,  consisting  of  ten 
companies  of  infantry  and  three  of  riflemen.  The  latter 
were  ordered  to  the  front,  and  Morgan  was  their  leader. 

"  His  men  were  armed  with  rifle,  tomahawk  and  long 
knife.  They  were  dressed  in  flannel  shirts,  cloth  or  buck 
skin  breeches,  buckskin  leggins  and  moccasins.  Over 
these  they  wore  hunting-shirts  made  of  brown  linsey,  or 
linsey-wolsey.  The  shirts  were  confined  at  the  waists  by 
belts  in  which  they  carried  their  knives  and  tomahawks. 
In  the  wilderness,  Morgan  himself,  adopted  the  Indian 
dress.  Part  of  their  route  was  to  be  through  a  hostile 
Indian  country,  which  would  impose  upon  him  an  untiring 
vigilance  in  guarding  against  Indian  ambush."  * 

Morgan's  company  wore  on  their  caps  the  words  "  lib 
erty  or  death."  Neither  adventure  nor  profit  had  brought 
him  to  the  wilderness  of  Maine  ;  of  the  first,  his  long 
Indian  wars  had  given  him  a  surfeit ;  for  the  last,  he  would 
better  have  found  it  with  his  flocks  and  herds  on  the  slopes 
of  the  Alleghanies. 

In  assuming  his  leadership,  he  had  received  orders  to 
"examine  the  country  along  the  route,  free  the  streams 
from  impediments  to  navigation,  and  remove  obstructions 
from  the  road ;  to  ascertain  all  fords  intersecting  the  line 
of  march  ;  to  examine  the  numerous  portages  over  which 

*  Graham's  Life  of  Arnold,  p.  G3. 


THROUGH    THE    WILDERNESS.  39 

it  would  be  necessary  to  move,  and  take  all  measures  to 
facilitate  their  passage.'' 

With  all  the  dispatch  that  could  be  used,  it  was  the  18th 
of  September  when  they  embarked  at  Newburyport,  on 
transports  which  were  to  carry  them  as  far  as  Gardiner,  on 
the  Kennebec.  Here,  two  hundred  batteaux,  which  Wash 
ington  had  ordered  to  be  constructed,  were  waiting  to 
receive  them. 

Their  route  was  up  the  Kennebec,  almost  to  its  sources  ; 
above  Cum  tun  k,  they  must  needs  traverse  "the  great 
carrying  place,"  a  distance  of  fifteen  miles,  with  three 
small  lakes  intervening,  before  they  could  again  embark 
on  the  Dead  River,  a  western  branch  of  the  Kennebec, — a 
place  of  "precipitous  ascents,  yawning  ravines,  thick 
entangling  woods,  swamps  and  water-courses," — the  rifle 
men  carrying  the  bateaux,  baggage,  arms  and  provisions. 

After  following  the  Dead  River  for  eighty-three  miles, 
another  carrying  place,  over  a  mountain  ridge,  was  to  be 
passed,  before  they  reached  Lake  Megantic,  in  Canada, 
crossing  which,  they  were  to  enter  the  Chaudiere,  a  swift, 
violent  stream,  that  empties  into  the  St.  Lawrence  not  far 
from  Quebec. 

This  journey  through  the  wilderness,  with  its  outcome, 
is  the  tragic-romance  of  the  Revolution, — a  presentiment 
of  that  after,  greater  tragedy  of  the  French  revolution, 
"The  March  to  Moscow."  It  reads  like  the  labors  of 
Hercules,  Arnold's  twenty  days  dragged  on  to  fifty-six. 
The  distance  was  six  hundred  miles,  through  silent,  pathless 
solitudes, — to  this  day,  in  part,  unsettled  and  unexplored. 

As  they  advanced  up  the  Kennebec,  the  stream  became 
rapid  and  violent  over  its  rocky  bed  ;  often  they  could  not 
row,  but  must  drag  their  heavily  laden  boats  up  the  swift 
current,  waist  deep.  The  mountains  were  covered  with 
snow,  and  the  waters  at  a  deadly  chill.  Beds  of  rock,  falls 
and  rapids,  often  forbade  the  passage  of  their  boats  at  all. 
They  were  to  be  unloaded,  and  with  their  contents  carried 


40  THROUGH    THE    WILDERNESS. 

by  the  men,  through  tiresome,  pathless  forests,  until  the 
stream  would  bear  them  again. 

Leaving  the  Kennebec,  they  dragged  everything  over  a 
rough  ridge  and  through  swamps  and  bogs,  sinking  knee 
deep,  to  the  Dead  Eiver.  Their  course  now  lay  up  this 
river  for  eighty-three  miles,  and  no  less  than  seventeen 
times,  because  of  falls  and  rapids,  they  were  forced  to  un 
load  their  boats,  and  carry  them  and  their  contents. 
Winter  winds  howled  around  them ;  their  shoes  were  gone ; 
rocks  and  briars  tore  their  clothes  from  their  backs  ;  No 
vember  rains  drenched  them  ;  famine,  disease,  and  death 
marched  with  them.  Three  companies  deserted  and 
marched  back.  Their  commander  plead  a  misunderstand 
ing  of  Colonel  Arnold's  orders. 

They  had  dragged  their  boats  one  hundred  and  eighty 
miles  of  the  journey.  Arnold  in  a  letter  to  Washington 
writes  :  "  You  would  have  taken  the  men  for  amphibious 
animals,  as  they  were  most  of  the  time  under  water."  They 
had  carried  them  on  their  shoulders  forty  miles,  through 
frightful  thickets,  rugged  mountains,  and  knee-deep  bogs, 
till  at  last  they  reached  the  Chaudiere,  which  goes  foam 
ing  and  raging  down  its  rocky  channel.  Swelled  by  heavy 
storms,  it  whirled  over  and  engulfed  their  boats  and  con 
tents  in  its  angry  rapids  and  falls  ;  not  a  boat  escaped,  and 
the  men  were  scarcely  saved.  They  reached  their  journey's 
end  in  a  pitiable  and  almost  famished  condition.  The 
first  supplies  that  were  served  to  the  starving  men,  were 
so  eagerly  devoured  that  many  of  them  sickened  and  some 
died  from  their  imprudent  indulgence.  The  Canadians 
looked  with  mingled  wonder  and  admiration  upon  the  men 
who  had  conquered  their  way  through  what  they  regarded 
an  impassable  wilderness.  The  troops,  advancing  as  fast 
as  their  exhausted  state  would  permit,  assembled  on 
November  7th,  four  leagues  from  the  St.  Lawrence,  to  the 
number  of  less  than  six  hundred.  Death,  sickness  and 
desertions,  had  fearfully  wasted  them. 


THROUGH   THE    WILDERNESS.  41 

Arnold  had,  however,  effectually  ensured  the  failure  of 
the  enterprise,  by  dispatching  ahead  two  friendly  Indians, 
so-called,  with  letters  addressed  to  persons  in  Quebec,  and 
to  General  Schuyler,  announcing  his  coming.  The  Indians 
proved  to  be  unfriendly,  and  the  letters  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Quebec.  He  made  instant 
preparations  for  defence.  Colonel  McLean,  from  the  Sorel, 
joined  him  with  one  hundred  and  seventy  men,  and  crews 
of  vessels  arriving  were  pressed  into  the  service  of  strength 
ening  the  works,  while  the  marines  of  several  war-vessels, 
lying  at  Quebec,  to  the  number  of  nearly  three  hundred, 
manned  the  defences. 

From  the  time  Arnold  discovered  the  treachery  of  his 
Indian  messengers,  he  abandoned  all  idea  of  a  surprise 
assault,  — a  mortifying  disappointment  to  the  heroes  who 
had  been  nerved  to  their  incredible  labors  and  endurances, 
by  the  proud  hope  of  re-enacting  on  the  plains  of  Abraham 
the  glorious  deeds  of  Wolfe.  They  were  still  at  Point 
Levi,  for  the  British  had  secured  all  the  boats  on  the 
opposite  shore.  It  was  November  13th  before  they  could 
assemble  boats  and  bateaux  sufficient  for  the  crossing. 
At  nine  o'clock,  on  the  night  of  the  13th,  Morgan  and  his 
riflemen,  still  leading  the  van,  embarked.  The  St.  Law 
rence  was  two  miles  wide,  the  current  rapid,  and  their 
course  lay  between  a  frigate  and  a  sloop-of-war.  They 
continued  to  cross  safely  by  detachments  until  four  o'clock, 
when  they  were  discovered  and  fired  upon. 

Morgan  meantime  had  reconnoitered  the  approaches  to 
the  town,  and  found  "  not  a  mouse -stirring."  He  had,  his 
life-long,  accomplished  what  he  undertook.  His  investiga 
tions  satisfied  him  that  the  garrison  were  not  aware  of 
their  crossing,  and  were  not  upon  their  guard.  He  thought 
the  assault  should  be  made  at  once,  and  so  communicated 
his  views  to  the  officers.  He  had  performed  the  eleven 
labors  of  Hercules,  and  now  begged  leave  to  do  the  twelfth. 
Neither  Arnold  nor  the  officers  accepted  his  suggestions. 


4:2  THROUGH   THE   WILDERNESS. 

It  was  wonderful  how  Arnold's  rashness  deserted  him, 
precisely  when  it  was  wanted.  They  argued  that  the  firing 
on  the  boats  had,  without  doubt,  been  heard  by  the  garri 
son.  Notwithstanding,  they  found  afterward  that  the 
garrison  had  been  entirely  unaware  of  their  crossing,  and 
that  "  the  entrance  to  the  town,  called  St.  John's  Gate, 
had  been  open  the  whole  night ;  the  only  defence  of  which 
was  a  single  gun  guarded  by  a  drowsy  watch."*  During 
the  day,  Arnold  paraded  his  whole  command  before  the 
walls,  offering  battle,  hoping  to  draw  the  British  force 
outside  ;  but  they  remembered  Montcalm,  and  wisely  re 
mained  behind  their  defences. 

He  likewise  hoped  that  those  friendly  Canadians,  whom 
he  had  represented  as  only  waiting  the  appearance  of  an 
American  army  to  open  their  gates,  would  now  prove 
their  sympathy  for  the  colonies  ;  but  nothing  of  the  kind 
occurred.  If  he  had  risked  the  assault,  he  would  doubt 
less  have  found  that  sympathy  within  the  walls.  Lastly, 
Arnold  sent  an  officer,  under  flag,  with  a  letter  to  the 
Governor,  pompously  calling  upon  him,  in  the  name  of 
the  American  Congress,  to  surrender,  and  threatening 
disastrous  consequences  if  it  should  be  delayed.  The 
officer  with  the  flag  was  fired  upon,  and  retired.  This 
finished  the  first  day  before  Quebec. 

By  this  time  Morgan  was  thoroughly  disgusted  with  the 
state  of  affairs.  From  information  received,  it  was  clear 
that  had  his  advice  been  taken,  Quebec  would  also  have 
been  taken.  Arnold's  senseless  bravado  and  meaningless 
parade  before  the  town  were  not  to  his  mind.  It  was 
plain  to  him  that  he  had  been  brought  upon  a  fool's 
errand.  His  men  had  also  that  day  complained  that,  not 
withstanding  their  ample  supplies  of  flour,  they  were  still 
kept  upon  the  short  allowance  of  a  pint  a  day.  Accom- 

*  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan,  quoted  from  Henry's  Expedition, 
p.  85. 


THROUGH   THE   WILDERNESS.  43 

panied  by  two  officers  he  waited  on  Arnold,  represented 
the  facts  and  demanded  redress. 

"If  the  matter  could  have  been  traced  to  its  source,  it 
would  probably  have  been  found  to  be  a  part  of  that  system 
of  peculation  which  Arnold  seldom  lost  an  opportunity  of 
practising.  He  evaded  at  first,  and  then  bluntly  refused 
compliance.  A  violent  altercation  ensued,  and  Morgan 
was  upon  the  point  of  striking.  Language  of  defiance 
passed  between  them  as  Morgan  left  Arnold's  quarters. 
The  next  day,  however,  and  thereafter,  the  riflemen  were 
served  with  a  full  allowance  of  provisions."  * 

Morgan  was  remarkable  for  his  judicious  care  of  his  men  ; 
the  effects  of  this  care  and  kindness  is  proved  in  the  fact 
that  he  lost  but  one  man  from  his  company  in  the  passage 
through  Maine  ;  that  one  was  drowned  in  the  Chandiere. 

On  the  19th,  Arnold  marched  away,  and  took  post  at 
Point-aux-Trembles,  eight  leagues  from  Quebec,  to  await 
Montgomery's  arrival.  He  wrote  to  Washington  that  it 
would  require  twenty-five  hundred  men  to  take  Quebec ; 
later,  he  wrote  it  five  thousand. 


Meantime,  Montgomery  had  made  a  brilliant  campaign, 
taking  Forts  Chamblie,  St.  Johns,  and  the  city  of  Montreal. 
The  land  rang  with  his  praises;  but  Quebec  remained — 
the  key  to  the  whole  situation.  After  leaving  garrisons 
at  these  places,  and  parting  with  those  troops  whose  time 
had  expired,  he  embarked  with  artillery  and  stores  and 
three  hundred  men  to  join  Arnold.  On  the  5th  of  Decem 
ber,  their  united  forces,  less  than  one  thousand  effective 
men,  "appeared  before  Quebec  in  mid-winter  to  take  the 
strongest  fortified  city  in  America,  defended  by  two  thou 
sand  cannon,  and  a  garrison  now  nearly  twice  as  large  as 
the  force  of  the  besiegers." 

*  Henry's  Expedition,  p.  98. 


44  THROUGH   THE    WILDERNESS. 

Montgomery  spoke  hopefully  to  his  men,  but  in  his 
heart  he  knew  he  led  a  forlorn  hope.  To  return  without 
the  capture  of  Quebec,  was  to  throw  away  all  the  brave 
work  he  had  done.  Congress  expected  it ;  the  nation 
waited  for  it ;  his  own  good  name  and  the  cause  of  his 
country  alike  necessitated  it.  Further,  it  must  be  done 
at  once ;  the  rigors  of  winter  were  upon  them  ;  the  suffer 
ings  of  the  men  were  intolerable.  Two  diseases  had 
attacked  the  camp — small-pox  and  home-sickness ;  also, 
there  were  discontents  in  the  army.  Arnold  had  quar 
reled  with  his  officers,  and  two  or  three  companies  were 
ready  to  mutiny,  but  Montgomery's  manly  expostulation 
won  them  back  to  their  duty. 

The  time  of  most  of  the  men  expired  with  the  now 
expiring  year.  The  assault  was  therefore  fixed  for  the 
night  of  the  twenty-sixth  of  December.  "It  was  clear, 
and  so  cold  that  no  man  could  handle  his  arms  or  scale 
a  wall.  The  twenty-seventh  was  hazy,  and  the  troops 
were  put  in  motion,  but  the  sky  cleared,  and  Montgomery, 
tender  of  their  lives,  recalled  them,  to  wait  for  a 
night  of  clouds  and  darkness,  with  a  storm  of  wind  and 
snow."  On  the  thirtieth,  New  Year's  eve,  a  northeast 
storm  set  in.  The  troops  were  disposed  for  attack  at  four 
different  points.  Two  of  these  attacks  were  only  feints  : 
the  real  points  of  assault  were  reserved  for  Montgomery 
on  one  side  of  the  town  and  Arnold  on  the  other. 

The  snow  had  changed  to  driving  hail,  that  cut  the 
men's  eyes  and  faces  ;  Arnold's  division  advanced  with 
heads  down,  and  their  guns  under  their  coats  to  keep 
them  dry. 

They  attacked  with  furious  energy,  but  a  musket-ball 
in  his  leg  disabled  Arnold  at  the  first  barricade,  and  he 
was  borne  to  the  rear.  Morgan  now  took  command,  and 
the  game  was  in  his  own  hands.  Cheering  on  his  men 
with  a  voice  "louder  than  the  northeast  gale,"  they  car 
ried  battery  after  battery,  taking  their  defenders  prisoners. 


THROUGH    THE    WILDERNESS.  45 

He  held  now  the  lower  part  of  the  town,  and  there  they 
watched  and  waited  for  the  promised  signals  from  Mont 
gomery's  side. 

He  with  three  hundred  men  and  his  two  aides,  McPher- 
son  and  Cheeseman,  two  gallant  young  soldiers,  had  taken 
his  course  along  a  steep  and  rocky  path,  so  slippery  and 
dangerous  from  the  frozen  hail,  that  it  was  with  diffi 
culty  they  could  keep  their  feet.  On  they  went,  Mont 
gomery  opening  the  path  through  the  snow  with  his  own 
hands.  A  battery  interrupted  their  path — it  must  be 
taken.  Montgomery  ordered  them  to  "  double  quick," 
himself  leading,  with  the  words,  "Come  on,  brave  boys, 
you  will  not  fear  to  follow  where  your  general  leads." 
A  flash— a  well-served  cannon  discharge— Montgomery, 
McPherson  and  Cheeseman  fell  dead. 

The  drifted  snow  was  the  winding-sheet  of  the  noble 
and  the  brave  on  the  morning  of  the  new  year,  1776, 
before  the  gates  of  Quebec.  Their  leader  fallen,  his  men 
made  instant  retreat.  Morgan  waited  on  the  other  side 
of  the  town  for  the  signals  they  never  should  see.  They 
waited  too  long.  The  enemy,  now  released  from  defending 
other  points,  surrounded  and  took  them  prisoners.  So 
ended  a  noble  life,  and  the  lamentations  for  Montgomery 
were  as  loud  and  eloquent  in  the  British  Parliament  as  in 
the  American  Congress. 

Morgan,  balked  in  his  first  wish  to  assault  Quebec,  had 
succeeded  now  only  too  well ;  but  let  him  tell  his  own  story. 

#  *  #  #  cc  j  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the  for 
lorn  hope  on  the  river  St.  Charles  under  General  Arnold. 
The  general  having  been  wounded  in  the  leg  while  under 
the  walls,  and  before  we  got  into  the  town,  I  sent  him  off 
in  the  care  of  two  of  my  men  and  took  his  place  in  the 
command.  I  had  to  attack  a  two-gun  battery,  supported 
by  Captain  McCloud  and  fifty  regular  troops. 

"  The  first  gun  missed  us  ;  the  second  flashed,  when  I 
ordered  the  ladders,  borne  on  the  shoulders  of  the  men, 


4:0  THROUGH   THE    WILDERNESS. 

to  be  raised.  The  order  was  immediately  obeyed,  and  for 
fear  the  business  might  not  be  executed  with  spirit,  I 
mounted  myself  and  leaped  in  to  the  town.  The  first  man 
among  Captain  McCloud's  guard,  who  was  panic-strucli, 
nude  but  a  faint  resistance,  and  ran  into  a  house  that 
joined  the  two-gun, battery  and  platform,  where  the  guard 
Avas  posted.  I  lighted  on  the  end  of  a  great  gun,  which 
hurt  me  very  much,  and  perhaps  saved  my  life,  as  I  fell 
from  the  gun  on  the  platform,  where  the  bayonets  were 
not  directed.  Colonel  Charles  Porterfield,  who  was  [then] 
a  cadet  in  my  company,  was  the  first  man  that  followed 
me,  and  all  the  men  came  after  him  as  fast  as  they  had 
room  to  jump  down.  All  this  was  performed  in  a  few 
seconds.  I  ordered  the  men  to  fire  into  the  house  and 
follow  up  with  their  pikes,  which  they  did,  and  drove  the 
guard  into  the  street.  I  went  through  a  sally-port  at  the 
end  of  the  platform,  met  the  retreating  guard  in  the 
street,  and  ordered  them  to  lay  down  their  arms  if  they 
expected  quarters.  They  took  me  at  my  word,  and  every 
man  threw  his  arms  down. 

""We  then  charged  on  the  battery  and  took  it,  sword  in 
hand  ;  pushing  on,  we  took  everything  that  opposed  us 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet  till  we  arrived  at  the  barrier 
gate.  Here  I  was  ordered  to  wait  for  General  Mont 
gomery,  and  a  fatal  order  it  was.  It  prevented  me  taking 
the  garrison,  as  I  had  already  made  half  the  town  prisoners. 

"  The  sally-port  through  the  barrier  was  standing  open  ; 
the  guard  had  left  it,  and  the  people  were  running  from 
the  upper  town  in  whole  platoons,  giving  themselves  up 
as  prisoners.  I  went  up  to  the  edge  of  the  upper  town, 
incog.,  with  an  interpreter,  to  see  what  was  going  on,  as 
the  firing  had  ceased.  Finding  no  person  in  arms  at  all, 
I  returned  and  called  a  council  of  what  few  officers  I  had 
with  me,  for  the  greater  part  of  our  force  had  missed  their 
way  and  had  not  got  into  the  town. 

Here  I  was  overruled  by  sound  judgment  and  good 


et 


THROUGH   THE    WILDERNESS.  47 

reasoning.  It  was  said,  in  the  first  place,  that  if  I  went 
on  I  should  break  orders  ;  in  the  next,  that  I  had  more 
prisoners  than  I  had  men,  and  that  if  I  left  them  they 
might  break  out,  retake  the  battery  we  had  just  captured,  , 
and  cut  off  our  retreat.  It  was  further  urged,  that  General 
Montgomery  would  join  us  in  a  few  minutes,  and  that 
we  were  sure  of  conquest  if  we  acted  with  caution  and 
prudence. 

"  To  these  good  reasons  I  gave  up  my  OAVU  opinion  and 
lost  the  town.*  For  General  Montgomery,  having  cut 
down  an  out-picket,  was  marching  up  to  a  two-gun  bat 
tery  when  an  unlucky  shot  put  an  end  to  his  existence, 
killing  at  the  same  time  Captain  Cheeseman,  Major 
MePherson  and  others  of  his  good  officers.  Upon  this, 
Colonel  Campbell,  his  quartermaster-general,  undertook 
to  order  a  retreat.  We  were  then  left  to  shift  for  our 
selves,  but  did  not  yet  know  the  extent  of  the  misfortunes 
which  had  occurred,  or  it  was  still  in  our  power  to  have 
taken  the  garrison.'7  f 

His  detachment  now  found  themselves  surrounded  by 
their  enemies,  but  Morgan's  spirits  rose  with  the  emer 
gency,  and  he  proposed  to  his  officers  to  cut  their  way 
back  out  of  the  town  ;  but  they  had  lost  hope  and  pre 
ferred  to  surrender. 

A  single  incident  remains  to  be  noted,  which  Morgan 
himself  relates.  Humanity  and  kindness  marked  the 
treatment  of  the  prisoners  by  Carlcton,  but  Morgan  re 
ceived  special  consideration.  His  conduct  of  the  assault 
had  impressed  them  with  a  high  idea  of  his  military  ability. 

"He  was  visited  frequently  by  a  British  officer,  to  him 
unknown,  but  from  his  uniform,  he  belonged  to  the  navy 
and  was  an  officer  of  distinction.  During  one  of  his 

*  Several  of  the  officers  outranked  Morgan,  but  at  .tlie  fall  of 
Arnold,  net  one  would  assume  liis  command,  but  pressed  It  upon 
Morgan. 

f  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan,  p.  465. 


48  THROUGH  THE   WILDERNESS. 

visits,  after  conversing  upon  many  topics,  he  asked  Mor 
gan  if  he  did  not  begin  to  be  convinced  that  the  resistance 
of  America  was  visionary.  He  endeavored  to  impress 
npon  Morgan  the  disastrous  consequences  that  must  infal 
libly  ensue  if  the  idle  attempt  were  persevered  in,  and 
earnestly  exhorted  him  to  renounce  the  ill-advised  under 
taking.  He  declared  with  seeming  sincerity  and  warmth 
his  admiration  of  Morgan's  spirit  and  enterprise,  which  he 
said  were  worthy  of  nobler  employment,  and  at  last  told 
him  that  if  he  would  consent  to  withdraw  from  the  Amer 
ican  and  join  the  British  service,  he  was  commissioned  to 
offer  him  the  rank  and  emoluments  of  a  colonel  in  the 
royal  army.  Morgan  rejected  the  proposal  with  disdain, 
and  added  :  '  I  hope,  sir,  you  will  never  again  insult  me, 
in  my  present  distressed  and  unfortunate  situation,  by 
making  me  offers  which  plainly  imply  that  you  think  me 
a  scoundrel."* 

Here  we  get  the  true  ring  of  his  metal ;  it  was  worthy 
of  the  "chief"  himself.  Perhaps  nothing  in  Washing 
ton's  career  has  been  more  admired  than  the  manner  of  his 
rejection  of  the  overtures  of  the  officers,  through  Colonel 
Nicola,  in  1783,  proposing  to  him  to  assume  the  headship 
of  the  nation  with  the  title  of  "King."  The  fine  feeling 
is  the  same  in  both  cases ;  both  are  personally  insulted. 
They  receive  it  as  a  man  of  honor  would  an  "  unhandsome 
suggestion."  Washington  replies:  "With  a  mixture  of 
surprise  and  astonishment  I  have  read  the  sentiments  you 
have  submitted  to  my  perusal.  I  am  much  at  a  loss  to 
conceive  what  part  of  my  conduct  should  have  given 
encouragement  to  such  an  address.  If  I  am  not  deceived 
in  the  knowledge  of  myself,  you  could  not  have  found  a 
person"  to  whom  your  schemes  are  more  disagreeable,"  etc. 
The  point  of  Morgan's  scorn,  in  his  Canadian  prison  eight 
years  before,  is  not  a  whit  less  fine. 

*  Graham' 8  Life,  p.  112. 


V.— 1776. 
THE   RETREAT. 

A  RNOLD,  in  hospital  with  his  shattered  limb,  found 
J~\  himself,  by  the  death  of  Montgomery,  at  the  head 
of  affairs.  He  wrote  to  Washington  that  it  would  require 
ten  thousand  'men  to  complete  the  conquest  of  Canada, 
and  opening  a  vein  of  modesty,  adds  : — "I  am  in  hopes 
some  experienced  officer  will  be  sent  here  to  take  com 
mand  ;  the  service  requires  greater  abilities  and  experience 
than  I  can  pretend  to."  Montgomery  in  his  last  despatches 
to  Congress  had  informed  that  body  that  it  would  require 
an  army  of  ten  thousand  and  a  fleet  of  war- vessels  to 
keep  Canada  after  it  was  conquered.  Notwithstanding 
this  new  revelation,  with  the  disasters  which  had  followed 
the  attempt,  Congress  having  entered  upon  it,  pursued  it 
with  a  stubbornness  something  akin  to  insanity. 

General  Wooster,  a  brave  old  patriot,  had  been  left  in 
command  at  Montreal  by  Montgomery,  and  was  now  the 
highest  officer  in  Canada.  He  felt  his  unfitness  for  the 
position,  and  was  anxious  to  be  superseded  by  a  younger 
and  more  efficient  officer.  He  took  command  at  Quebec 
April  1st,  and  "the  garrison  laughed  as  they  saw  from 
the  ramparts  the  general,  now  venerable  from  age,  and 
distinguished  by  his  singularly  large  wig,  walking  solemnly 
along  the  walls  to  spy  out  their  weak  points." 

New  England  had  sent  forward  several  regiments  imme 
diately  after  the  fall  of  Montgomery,  and  at  the  end  of 
April,   Congress  blindly  declared  itself  "determined  on 
the   reduction   of  Quebec,"  and   by  its  president   urged 
3 


50  THE    RETREAT. 

Washington  to  hasten  the  departure  of  four  battalions. 
A  week  later,  though  Washington  was  himself  in  urgent 
need  of  men,  arms  and  money,  "without  so  much  as 
consulting  with  the  commander-in-chief,  they  suddenly 
and  peremptorily  ordered  him  to  detach  six  additional 
battalions  from  his  army  for  service  in  Canada,  and  fur 
ther,  inquired  if  he  could  spare  more.  On  the  day  he 
received  this  order,  his  effective  force  consisted  of  but 
eight  thousand  three  hundred  men,  poorly  armed  and 
worse  clad.  He  detached  immediately  six  of  his  bost  bat 
talions—more  than  three  thousand  men — at  a  time  when 
the  British  ministry  was  directing  against  him  more  than 
thirty  thousand  veteran  troops.  It  was  a  touching  spec 
tacle  to  see  Washington  resign  himself  to  the  ill-considered 
votes  of  Congress,  and  send  off  his  best  troops  to  Canada 
at  their  word,  even  though  it  left  him  bare  and  exposed 
to  the  greatest  dangers,  saying  only,  'I  could  wish  the 
army  in  Canada  were  powerfully  reinforced,  at  the  same 
time,  trusting  New  York  and  the  Hudson  River  to  the 
handful  of  men  remaining  here,  is  too  great  a  risk.' "  * 

To  the  costly  life  already  sacrificed  before  Quebec,  they 
added  now  that  of  the  next  most  effective  officer  in  the 
service,  General  Thomas  of  Massachusetts.  He  arrived 
at  Quebec  in  May,  and  found  one-third  of  the  troops  in 
hospital  with  small-pox,  and  within  a  month  himself  fell 
a  victim  to  the  pestilence.  "  He  had  come  to  meet  death 
unattended  by  glory." 

General  Sullivan  next  succeeded.  He  came,  and  aired 
his  vocabulary  of  braggadocio,  but  falling  into  the  hands 
of  one  Frazer  (of  whom  more  anon),  at  Trois  Rivieres,  was 
taught  modesty.  Congress,  by  the  influence  of  John 
Adams,  the  special  patron  of  Gates,  now  appointed  that 
officer  as  a  panacea  for  the  ills  of  Canada, 

But  the  Canadian  campaign  was  ended  before  he  reached 

*  Bancroft,  Vol.  VTTT,  p.  491. 


THE   EETREAT.  51 

it.  "Disasters  followed  fast,  and  followed  faster."  Bur- 
goyne  had  arrived  in  the  St.  Lawrence  with  an  army  from 
England  ;  Arnold  was  now  calling  for  a  retreat  as  vigor 
ously  as  he  had  called  for  an  advance,  and  it  was  clear  to 
all  that  unless  that  retreat  was  speedy,  there  would  be  no 
army  to  bring  away. 

The  pestilence  retreated  with  them.  "The  voyage  over 
the  lakes  was  made  in  leaky  boats  without  awnings,  so 
that  the  sick  lay  drenched  in  water  and  exposed  to  the 
July  sun.  Their  only  food  was  raw  pork  and  hard  bread. 
When,  early  in  July,  the  fragments  of  the  army  had 
reached  Crown  Point,  the  scene  of  distress  produced  a 
momentary  despair ;  their  clothes,  their  blankets,  the  air, 
the  very  ground  they  trod  on,  was  infected.  More  than 
thirty  new  graves  were  made  every  day.  In  a  little  more 
than  two  months,  the  northern  army  had  lost  by  desertion 
and  death  more  than  five  thousand  men."  * 

But  we  must  return  to  the  special  notice  of  Arnold's 
military  career  in  Canada.  He  had  barely  recovered  from 
his  wound  when  General  Wooster  appeared  at  Quebec — 
April  1st — and  assumed  command.  This  appointment  did 
not  please  Arnold,  who  complained  of  his  coldness  and 
reserve,  for  Wooster  neither  asked  nor  accepted  his  advice 
or  counsel. 

This  situation  is  well  explained  in  the  fact  that  the 
sturdy  old  patriot  was  a  townsman  and  neighbor  of  Arnold. 
Just  at  this  time,  Arnold's  horse  stumbled  with  him  and 
aggravated  his  wound.  He  asked  leave  to  retire  from 
Quebec,  and  dropped  down  to  Montreal,  where,  being  first 
in  rank,  he  at  once  assumed  control. 

During  his  command  there,  occurred  the  affair  of  the 
Cedars  ;  not  exceeded  in  ignominy  by  any  event  of  the 
war.  At  the  Cedars,  about  forty  miles  away  from  Mon 
treal,  a  point  that  projected  far  into  the  river  and  could 

*  Bancroft,  Vol.  IX. 


52  THE   RETREAT. 

only  be  approached  from  one  side,  Arnold  had  posted 
five  hundred  men  under  Colonel  Bedell.  He  was  well 
intrenched  and  had  two  field  pieces."  * 

Colonel  Bedell  heard  of  the  approach  of  Captain  Fors- 
ter  with  two  hundred  British  and  Canadians,  and  several 
hundred  Indians, — no  American  authority  puts  the  num 
ber  at  over  six  hundred.  Leaving  Major  Butterfield  in 
charge,  Bedell  went  to  Montreal  to  give  the  alarm.  Cap 
tain  Forster  had  no  artillery,  and  attacked  with  mus 
ketry  only.  After  two  days,  but  one  man  in  the  fort  was 
wounded;  but  Forster  terrified  Butterfield  into  a  surrender, 
by  threats  of  giving  the  whole  garrison  up  to  the  savages 
if  any  of  the  besiegers  were  wounded.  The  terms  of  the 
surrender  were  most  ignominious.  Meantime  Arnold  had 
dispatched  Major  Sherbourne  with  one  hundred  and  forty 
men  to  their  assistance.  He  approached  without  knowing 
what  had  happened — was  surrounded  by  the  enemy,  thirty 
of  his  force  tomahawked  and  the  rest  captured. 

At  the  news  of  this  second  disaster,  Arnold  advanced 
with  a  force  of  eight  hundred  men.  From  La  Chene — not 
far  from  the  Cedars — he  writes,  May  25th,  1776  :  "  One 
of  our  men  this  moment  came  in  who  was  taken  at  the 
Cedars.  He  made  his  escape  this  morning,  and  says  we 
have  lost  only  ten  privates  killed,  the  rest  are  prisoners  at 
St.  Ann's  and  the  Cedars.  The  enemy  lost  double  that 
number.  They  were  last  night  within  three  miles  of  us, 
with  three  hundred  savages,  fifty  regulars,  and  two  hun 
dred  and  fifty  Canadians,  with  our  two  pieces  of  cannon  ; 
but  on  hearing  that  ice  had  a  large  body  of  men  here,  they 
made  a  precipitate  retreat."  \ 

Instead  of  moving  at  once  upon  the  enemy,  Arnold  sent  a 
party  of  Indians  over  the  river  with  a  message,  demanding, 
in  his  usual  bravado  style,  "the  surrender  of  the  American 

*  Sparks'  Correspondence  of  Washington,  Vol.  I,  p.  195. 
f  Sparks'  Correspondence  of  Washington.,  Vol.  I,  p  518. 


THE    KETKEAT.  53 

prisoners,  threatening,  in  case  of  refusal,  or  if  any  mur 
ders  were  committed,  that  he  would  sacrifice  every  Indian 
that  should  fall  into  his  hands,  and  follow  them  to  their 
towns,  which  he  would  destroy  by  fire  and  sword."  "He 
spoke  daggers,  but  used  none. " 

The  Indians  returned  as  spirited  a  reply,  promising,  if 
he  attacked,  to  kill  all  the  prisoners  they  had,  and  all  they 
should  capture. 

It  was  evening,  his  boats  had  not  yet  all  arrived,  and  the 
darkness  made  it  necessary  for  him  to  retire.  He  called  a 
council  of  war,  and  it  was  unanimously  decided  to  attack 
in  the  early  morning. 

At  midnight,  one  of  the  imprisoned  officers  arrived 
with  a  flag,  bringing  articles  for  an  exchange  of  prisoners, 
which  had  been  arranged  by  Major  Sherbourne  and  Captain 
Forster.  The  same  ignominious  terms  were  offered,  ac 
companied  by  the  threat  to  let  loose  the  savages  upon  the 
prisoners,  and  upon  Arnold,  if  he  should  attack.  It  was 
as  successful  with  Arnold  as  it  had  been  with  Butterfield  ; 
nor  can  we  see  that  he  was  more  valiant.  By  American 
estimates,  the  enemy  numbered  six  hundred  ;  British  esti 
mates  would  perhaps  reduce  this.  By  Arnold's  figures, 
there  were  about  six  hundred  American  prisoners,  and  he 
had  eight  hundred  fresh  troops.  It  is  not  to  be  supposed 
that  the  prisoners  would  fail  to  co-operate  in  event  of  an 
attempted  rescue. 

A  very  little  of  that  rashness  that  was  Arnold's  chief 
military  virtue,  was  here  needed,  but  ifc  again  deserted 
him.  The  same  threats  that  brought  the  surrender  of 
Butterfield,  now  availed  to  scare  Arnold  into  accepting 
the  disgraceful  terms  offered. 

He  returned  to  Montreal  with  his  eight  hundred  men 
without  having  struck  a  blow  for  the  rescue,  and  writes 
immediately  to  General  Schuyler,  "  I  have  ordered  Colonel 
Bedell,  his  major,  and  Captain  Young,  to  Sorel,  for  their 
trial."  This  affair  led  to  much  crimination  and  recrimi- 


54  THE   11ETEEAT. 

nation  between  the  military  authorities  on  both  sides. 
Congress  wished  to  repudiate  the  capitulation,  but  Wash 
ington  pronounced  it  binding,  being  executed  in  due  form 
by  officers  having  proper  authority.  There  was  no  honor 
able  way  out  of  it. 

This  closes  the  military  exploits  of  Arnold  in  Canada  ; 
but  there  remain  some  other  matters  to  be  noted. 

As  soon  as  the  evacuation  was  determined  upon,  he  made 
an  indiscriminate  seizure  of  goods  from  the  merchants  of 
Montreal,  professedly  for  the  public  service,  giving  certifi 
cates  to  their  owners,  who  were  to  be  paid  by  the  military 
authorities  of  the  United  States. 

He  sent  the  goods  to  Chamblie,  in  charge  of  Colonel 
Hazen.  This  officer  had  been  for  some  time  associated 
with  Arnold,  but  for  reasons  best  known  to  himself,  he 
declined  to  be  implicated  in  any  way  with  the  transaction. 
The  goods  lay  in  piles  on  the  landing  exposed  to  the 
weather  and  the  plunderer. 

.  Their  owners  followed  the  army  to  Crown  Point,  and  de 
manded  pay  for  the  whole  amount,  including  the  damaged 
and  stolen.  The  blame  fell  upon  Arnold  ;  he  transferred 
it  to  Hazen,  who  he  declared  had  not  obeyed  his  orders. 

A  court-martial  followed.  During  its  progress,  the  court 
refused  to  accept  the  testimony  of  one  of  Arnold's  wit 
nesses,  who  was  believed  to  be  interested  in  the  affair. 
Arnold  addressed  a  disrespectful  letter  to  the  court  ;  they 
demanded  an  apology  ;  he  challenged  them  all,  individu 
ally  and  collectively. 

Such  monstrous  effrontery  compelled  the  court  to  appeal 
to  General  Gates,  commander-in-chief  of  the  department. 
These  two,  Arnold  and  Gates,  had  already  begun  to  ex 
change  signs.  Gates  abruptly  dissolved  the  court,  and 
excused  himself  to  Congress  for  an  act  so  unjust  and  dic 
tatorial,  on  the  plea  "  that  the  United  States  could  not  be 
deprived  of  'that  excellent  officer's  services  at  that  impor 
tant  moment." 


THE   BETKEAT.  55 

The  court,  however,  before  its  adjournment,  passed 
judgment,  acquitting  Colonel  Hazen — leaving  Arnold,  of 
course,  under  censure. 


Hard  upon,  followed  a  rupture  with  Colonel  Brown, 
who  had  been  at  the  taking  of  Ticonderoga  and  was, 
perhaps,  no  admirer  of  Arnold.  The  latter  accused  Brown, 
in  letters  to  Congress,  of  plundering  the  baggage  of  pris 
oners  taken  in  Canada,  during  the  siege  of  Quebec. 

Colonel  Brown  promptly  demanded  a  court  of  inquiry 
from  General  Wooster  at  the  time,  but,  through  evasions 
of  Arnold,  he  was  unable  to  prosecute  the  affair  until 
after  the  evacuation  of  Canada.  He  then  applied  to  Con 
gress  for  redress,  and  Congress  directed  Gates  to  grant  the 
inquiry.  Gates  played  the  dictator  as  before,  and  shielded 
Arnold  from  the  inquiry. 

Colonel  Brown  waited  until  the  end  of  the  campaign, 
and  then  demanded  the  arrest  of  Arnold  on  a  series  of 
charges  running  through  the  whole  period  of  his  com 
mand.  Gates  again  evaded  it,  saying  that  he  would  lay 
the  petition  before  Congress.  Colonel  Brown,  indignant 
at  this  shuffling  and  baffling  of  justice,  published  the 
whole  affair,  commenting  upon  Arnold  with  unsparing 
severity.  During  all  this  time  Arnold,  safely  ensconced 
under  the  wing  of  Gates'  authority,  maintained  a  pro 
found  silence. 

Following  him  on  the  retreat  of  the  army  from  Canada, 
we  find  him  at  Ticonderoga,  actively  engaged  in  prose 
cuting  naval  affairs.  He  with  others  urges  upon  Congress 
the  building  of  a  fleet  of  not  less  than  thirty  vessels  for 
Lake  defence,  asking  that  "  three  hundred  carpenters  be 
immediately  sent  up,"  etc.  The  fleet  was  built  and  Arnold 
was  put  in  command.  It  proved  only  a  floating  stage 
whereon  to  cut  his  antics  before  high  Heaven.  In  retreat 
ing  the  army  to  Ticonderoga,  it  was  thought  necessary  to 


50  THE    RETREAT. 

abandon  Crown  Point — a  measure  deplored  at  the  time, 
but  doubtless  wise,  for  the  future  policy  on  the  Lakes  was 
to  be  defensive. 

One  thing  was  certainly  to  be  done,  at  all  risks  and  all 
costs.  Ticonderoga  was  to  be  kept.  Only  by  holding 
that  could  the  Hudson  River  be  defended  from  the  north  ; 
and  the  possession  of  this  river  was  throughout  the  war 
the  supreme  object  of  the  British.  A  Lake  fleet  well- 
manned  and  judiciously  maintained,  would  perhaps  have 
averted  the  shameful  surrender  of  the  post  further  on. 
Arnold's  fleet  consisted  of  about  twenty  vessels,  large  and 
small,  lightly  built,  and  manned  by  landsmen.  To  attempt 
a  battle  with  Carleton's  fleet  of  heavy  vessels,  well-officered 
and  manned  by  skillful  English  marines,  was  simply 
another  reckless,  dare-devil  attempt  to  do  the  impossible. 

The  American  fleet  under  Arnold  "  roamed,  the  Lake 
without  check"  until  October  4th,  when  Carleton  cau 
tiously  and  leisurely  approached.  Arnold's  choice  of  posi 
tion  for  battle  was  "warmly  approved  by  Gates,"  who 
knew  perhaps  as  much  about  a  naval  battle  as  he  did 
about  a  land  battle — "but  one  more  absurd  or  more  dan 
gerous  could  not  have  been  made." 

Carleton  had  twice  the  numbor  of  vessels,  with  more 
than  twice  the  number  of  guns  and  men.  Of  course  the 
battle  could  end  in  but  one  way.  Two-thirds  of  the 
American  vessels  were  shattered,  sunk  or  stranded.  To 
save  the  rest  from  capture,  Arnold  ran  them  into  a  shal 
low  creek  and  set  them  on  fire,  with  colors  flying — he  the 
last  to  go  ashore.  Several  of  the  smaller  boats  had  escaped 
and  found  shelter  under  the  guns  of  the  fort.*  The 
British  lost  three  vessels. 

No  one  denies  to  Arnold  in  this  affair  a  magnificent 
energy  and  a  death-defying  courage,  but  to  what  end  ? 

*  It  is  due  to  Gates  to  remember  that  Arnold  acted  in  opposition 
to  Gates'  orders  in  precipitating  a  battle. 


THE    RETREAT.  57 

By  the  law  of  his  nature,  the  irrepressible  "  urge  "  within 
him  could  manifest  itself  only  in  destruction.  So  that 
something  was  smashed,  and  he  the  smasher,  with  a  din 
loud  enough  to  reverberate  with  his  name  over  the  conti 
nent,  it  was  well  done.  His  fame  rose  higher  than  ever, 
and  no  one  seemed  to  qualify  it  with  the  destruction  of  a 
fleet  "recklessly  sacrificed  without  public  benefit."  If 
courage  is  to  be  measured  by  breakage,  then  indeed  his 
exceeds  that  of  the  "bull  in  the  china  shop." 

Master  of  the  Lakes,  Carleton  could  easily  have  taken 
Ticonderoga,  so  inadequately  was  it  defended  and  pro 
visioned.  But  it  was  not  on  his  programme.  General 
Howe  had  failed  to  ascend  the  Hudson  in  time  for  a  junc 
tion  at  Albany.  Having  secured  the  safety  of  Canada  by 
the  destruction  of  the  fleet,  Carleton  retired,  intending  to 
advance  to  Albany  in  the  spring. 

So  ends  this  ill-starred,  ill-timed  and  disastrous  Cana 
dian  expedition.  It  had  involved  the  sacrifice  of  two  of 
the  most  valuable  officers  in  the  service,  wasted  an  army 
of  ten  thousand  men,  materially  weakening  Washington's 
force,  and  contributing  no  little  to  the  subsequent  disas 
ters  of  Long  Island  and  the  Jerseys.  The  Congressional 
committee  of  inquiry  into  the  causes  of  failure  reported, 
"the  lateness  of  the  season,"  "inadequate  preparation  in 
numbers,"  etc,  "short  enlistments,"  "want  of  hard  money," 
and  "small-pox." 

Congress  decreed  to  Montgomery  a  monument;  to  honest 
old  Wooster,  a  court  of  inquiry;  to  Arnold  a  brigadier- 
general's  commission  ;  to  Morgan,  nothing. 


VL— im. 

"ALL'S   WELL  THAT  ENDS  WELL." 

EXCEPT  for  the  disasters  in  Canada,  affairs  had  thus 
far  gone  eminently  well  for  the  Americans.  They 
had  been  for  more  than  a  year  in  armed  resistance  to 
England.  Lexington,  Concord,  Bunker  Hill  and  Ticon- 
deroga  had  alike  witnessed  to  their  martial  spirit. 

The  bloodless  deliverance  of  Boston  from  the  British 
army  and  fleet  now  followed  on  the  17th  of  March.  Tho 
fortification  of  Dorchester  Heights  by  Washington,  accom 
plished  in  a  single  night,  "a  combination  concerted  with 
faultless  ability  and  suddenly  executed,  had  in  a  few  hours 
made  their  position  untenable." 

In  the  month  of  June,  the  whole  country  was  elec 
trified  by  the  spirited  repulse  of  a  British  fleet  and  army 
with  heavy  loss,  from  Charleston,  South  Carolina. 

Such  a  series  of  brilliant  successes  had,  perhaps,  inspired 
the  Americans  with  an  extravagant  estimate  of  their  mili 
tary  ability.  They  had  not  sufficiently  considered  that 
England  had  been  taken  off  guard  by  this  sudden  uprising 
of  a  full-grown  rebellion.  She  was  by  this  time,  how 
ever,  fairly  awake,  and  was  coming,  in  substantial  British 
style,  to  crush  it.  This  she  hoped  to  do  in  one  vigorous 
campaign, 

Congress  was  so  far  encouraged  as  to  sign  and  adopt  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  on  the  4th  of"  July,  1776. 
But  in  the  midst  of  the  national  exultation,  a  courier  from 
Washington  announced  to  Congress  that  a  British  fleet 


"ALL'S  WELL  THAT  ENDS  WELL."  59 

and  army  were  in  New  York  harbor.  "I  am  hopeful 
that  we  shall  get  some  reinforcements  before  they  are  pre 
pared  to  attack/'  he  adds.  The  whole  British  force 
dispatched  in  the  spring  of  1776  to  America,  directed 
severally  to  Canada,  Charleston  and  New  York,  was  not 
less  than  fifty  thousand  of  the  best  European  fighting 
material  that  English  gold  could  buy. 

Howe,  the  British  commander,  landed  on  Long  Island 
a  force  of  upward  of  twenty  thousand  rank  and  file. 
"  It  was  the  most  perfect  army  of  its  day  in  the  world  for 
experience,  discipline,  equipments  and  artillery  ;  and  was 
supported  by  more  than  four  hundred  ships  and  trans 
ports  in  tlie  bay,  by  ten  ships  of  the  line  and  twenty 
frigates,  with  other  small  vessels.  Against  this  vast  arma 
ment  the  Americans  had  on  the  Island  no  more  than 
eight  thousand  men,  most  of  these,  volunteers  or  militia; 
and  they  had  not  the  aid  of  a  single  platoon  of  cavalry, 
nor  of  one  ship  of  war."  * 

Here  Washington  felt  his  utmost  need  of  the  battalions 
he  had  trained  and  which  Congress  had  ordered  to  their 
doom  in  Canada.  He  wrote  frankly  that  it  would  be 
impossible  to  prevent  the  landing  of  the  British,  "  but  we 
shall  attempt  to  harass  them  as  much  as  possible,  which 
will  be  all  that  we  can  do."  Trumbull,  of  Connecticut, 
wrote  him:  "Knowing  our  cause  righteous  and  trusting 
Heaven  will  support  us,  I  do  not  greatly  dread  what  they 
can  do  against  us."  Washington  mended  his  theology 
tliui :  "To  trust  altogether  in  the  justice  of  our  cause 
without  our  own  utmost  exertions  would  be  tempting 
Providence."  Trumbull  immediately  convened  his  "Coun 
cil  of  Safety"  and  called  out  nino  more  regiments. 

It  is  tolerably  clear  that  Washington  fought  this  battle 
of  Long  Island  under  protest.  His  judgment  was  that 
the  war  should  be  carried  on  defensively — field  actions 

*  Bancroft,  Vol.  IX,  p.  85. 


60  "ALL'S  WELL  THAT  ENDS  WELL." 

avoided.  Others  thought  with  him.  Jay,  of  New  York, 
counselled  that  Long  Island  be  laid  waste,  New  York 
burned,  and  the  army  retire  to  the  fastnesses  of  the  Hud 
son. 

John  Adams  was  against  "  yielding  the  enemy  an  inch 
of  ground."  Congress  called  for  the  battle,  and  they  got 
it.  "It  was  the  fixed  purpose  of  Washington  to  obey 
implicitly  the  orders  of  Congress." 

Just  then,  General  Greene  fell  violently  ill  of  a  "  raging 
fever,"  and  the  loss  of  his  services  was  the  more  serious 
because  the  works  he  commanded  were  built  under  his 
eye  and  he  best  knew  the  environs.  To  Sullivan  his  place 
was  assigned  ;  but  he  and  Putnam  blundered  fearfully. 
The  battle,  at  the  last,  proved  a  massacre  of  our  brave 
Marylanders,  who  that  day  "  won  their  spurs."  More  than 
half  the  loss  fell  upon  Stirling's  command  of  Maryland 
and  Delaware  troops — one-fourth  on  the  Maryland  regi 
ment  alone.  A  witness  of  their  heroic  but  vain  resistance, 
Washington,  wrung  his  hands,  exclaiming,  "My  God! 
what  brave  men  I  must  this  day  lose." 

The  da/  done,  and  the  battle  lost,  Washington  won  im 
mortal  fame  by  one  of  the  most  masterly  retreats  ever 
recorded,  saving  his  army  with  all  its  equipments  in  the 
face  of  an  overwhelming  British  force.  General  Glover, 
with  his  brigade  of  mariners  of  Marblehead,  rendered  here 
invaluable  service.  But  they  were  dark  days  in  the  Ameri 
can  camp.  The  burden  upon  the  commander-in-chief  was 
almost  beyond  the  limit  of  human  endurance.  "  Among 
his  major-generals  there  was  not  one  on  whom  he  could 
fully  rely."  The  army  knew  it ;  distrust  and  dejection  pre 
vailed  ;  Washington  alone  inspired  confidence. 


Congress   still   demanded   of   him   impossibilities.     He 
was  expected  to  hold  New  York  ;  but,  seeing  that  such  an 


"ALL'S  WELL  THAT  ENDS  WELL."  61 

attempt  would  be  fatal  to  the  cause,  be  argued  the  matter 
so  clearly  that  they  yielded  in  time.  The  British  took  the 
city,  and  Washington  retired  to  White  Plains,  fighting, 
retreating,  maneuvering,  and  so  harassing,  delaying,  and 
wearing  out  the  enemy.  His  policy  was  fruitful  of  good 
results.  It  was  now  far  into  September.  Howe  had  been 
so  long  delayed  that  he  was  compelled  to  abandon  his  plan 
of  ascending  the  Hudson  to  join  Carleton, —  by  far  the 
most  important  part  of  the  campaign  as  ordered  by  the 
British  ministry, — and  he  had  frankly  admitted  in  his 
despatches  to  England  the  necessity  of  another  campaign. 

Thus  had  Washington  below,  neutralized  the  destruction 
of  Arnold's  Lake  fleet  above,  and  enabled  Gates  to  dispatch 
his  pompous  message  to  Congress,  "  of  the  retreat  of  Lieu 
tenant-Gen  eral  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  with  his  fleet  and  army, 
from  Crown  Point." 

But  still  darker  days  were  at  hand.  Greene  having  ob 
tained  the  coveted  Major-General's  commission,  for  which 
he  had  stipulated,  resolved  to  maintain  his  new  honors 
at  some  cost.  He  questioned  and  disregarded  Washing 
ton's  directions  ; — positive  orders  Washington  could  not 
issue,  because  the  Congressional  Board  of  War  were  to 
give  the  final  word.  Greene  took  the  liberty  to  differ  with 
Washington,  corresponded  with  the  Board,  expressing  his 
opinion  that  Howe  could  not  take  Fort  Washington,  of 
which  he  had  command.  But  within  a  week  it  was  sur 
rendered  to  the  British,  with  valuable  artillery  and  arms 
and  twenty-six  hundred  prisoners,  of  whom  one-half  were 
well-trained  soldiers.  Greene  never  acknowledged  his 
"errors  of  judgment,"  nor  did  he  mend  his  ways  ;  for  three 
days  after,  having  failed  to  carry  out  Washington's  timely 
and  positive  order  to  remove  the  garrison  and  stores  from 
Fort  Lee,  five  thousand  British  and  Hessians  surprised 
him  there.  "Aroused  from  his  bed  by  the  report  of  a 
countryman,  Greene  ordered  his  troops  under  arms  and 
took  to  flight,  with  more  than  two  thousand  men,  leaving 


02  "ALL'S  WELL  THAT  ENDS  WELL/' 

blankets  and  baggage,  provisions,  four  hundred  tents 
standing,  and  all  his  cannon,  except  two  twelve  pounders. 
With  his  utmost  speed,  he  barely  escaped  being  cut  off. 
Washington,  by  a  rapid  march  to  his  rescue,  covered  the 
retreat  so  that  only  a  few  stragglers  were  taken." — Ban 
croft,  Vol.  IX,  p.  196.* 

Nothing  remained  but  a  retreat  into  New  Jersey  and 
the  defence  of  Philadelphia,  now  the  coveted  object  of 
British  ambition. 

Washington's  position  was  inexpressibly  trying  at  this 
juncture.  Not  only  was  he  hampered  by  the  final  word 
of  the  Congressional  Board  of  War,  but  "the  power  to 
overrule  the  majority  of  his  generals  had  not  been  ex 
plicitly  conferred."  He  was  expected  to  consult  with  and 
be  outvoted  by  men  who  could  do  little  but  hinder  his 
military  operations. 

John  Adams,  Chairman  of  the  Board  of  War,  "while 
he  cultivated  confidential  relations  with  Lee  and  Gates, 
never  extended  the  same  cordial  frankness  to  Washington, 
never  comprehended  his  superior  capacity  for  war,  and 
never  weighed  his  difficulties  with  generous  consideration. 
Moreover,  Congress  was  always  ready  to  assume  the  conduct 
of  the  campaign  and  to  issue  impracticable  resolutions. 
To  Gates  it  intrusted  a  limited  power  of  filling  up  vacan 
cies  as  they  occurred  in  his  army  ;  but  it  refused  the  same 
to  Washington,  saying,  "  future  generals  may  make  bad 
use  of  it."  Notwithstanding  the  warning  and  entreaties 
of  Washington  after  the  battle  of  Long  Island,  John 
Adams,  great  man  and  great  patriot  as  he  was,  with  igno- 

*  With  incredible  magnanimity,  Washington  covered  also  Greene's 
military  reputation.  He  never  upbraided  his  officers.  The  merited 
"  I  told  you  so,"  never  escaped  him  ;  though,  Heaven  knows,  it  must 
oftentimes  have  been  in  his  thoughts.  The  odium  of  Forts  Lee  and 
Washington  fell  upon  him,  and  he  took  it.  It  belonged  fairly  to 
Congress  and  General  Greene,  who  from  this  time  trusted  himself 
less,  and  Washington  more. 


03 

rant  boldness  maintained  and  announced,  "the  British 
force  is  so  divided,  they  will  do  no  great  matter  more  this 
fall."  Less  than  three  weeks  afterwards,  came  the  fall  of 
forts  Lee  and  Washington.* 

Little  knew  or  thought  'the  Commander-in-chief,  at 
this  moment,  that  any  one  coveted  his  office.  "  Such 
is  my  situation,"  said  he  privately,  "that  if  I  were  to 
wish  the  bitterest  curse  to  an  enemy  on  this  side  of  the 
grave,  I  should  put  him  in  my  stead,  with  my  feelings"; 
yet,  at  this  very  time,  both  Gates  and  Lee,  taking  ad 
vantage  of  the  recent  disasters,  were  working  assiduously 
upon  Congress,  and  among  the  officers,  to  accomplish 
his  removal.  Gates,  while  in  command  at  Ticonderoga, 
had  thus  early  showed  this  spirit  of  rivalry,  declining  to 
make  his  reports  to  the  commander-in-chief,  and  pur 
posely  communicating  with  Congress,  claiming  that  he 
and  his  council  of  officers  "were  in  nothing  inferior  to 
that  of  the  commander-in-chief." 

Congress  had  summoned  Lee,  as  far  back  as  August, 
from  the  South  (where  he  was  doing  mad  work),  to  join 
Washington,  as,  in  event  of  accident,  Lee  would  be  his 
successor.  He  was  now  in  command  on  the  east  side  of 
the  Hudson  Eiver.  Some  hint  of  the  maneuvres  of  these 
two  was  brought  to  Washington's  notice,  yet,  "neither 
the  neglect,  distrust,  and  interference  of  Congress,  nor 
the  want  of  faithful,  able,  or  even  competent  subordi 
nates,  nor  the  melting  away  of  his  army  by  short  enlist 
ment,  could  make  him  waver  in  his  purpose  of  persever 
ance  to  the  end.  No  provocation  could  force  from  his 
pen  one  word  of  personal  petulance,  or  even  the  momen 
tary  expression  of  a  wish  to  resign."  This  lofty  spirit 


*  Perilous  as  was  the  outlook,  at  this  very  time  Adams  asked  and 
obtained  leave  of  absence  from  Congress,  and  at  his  home  in  Massa 
chusetts  received  the  news  of  the  disasters  in  New  Jersey  and  the 
removal  of  Congress  to  Baltimore. 


64  "ALL'S  WELL  THAT  EXDS  WELL." 

lived  in  a  serene  height  to  which  none  of  these  noisy  little 
men  could  climb.  He  was  neither  elated  nor  despondent 
with  the  ebb  and  flow  of  the  tide  of  battle,  as  were  they. 

He  served  a  cause  to  which  he  had  given  all  faith  :  who 
serves  humanity  cannot  fail.  He  worked  as  "in  his  great 
Taskmaster's  eye,"  and  thus  could  afford  to  be  "patient 
towards  all  men." 

Things  certainly  looked  desperate  ;  the  British  had  fol 
lowed  Washington  into  New  Jersey  in  force.  As  he 
crossed  the  Karitan,  breaking  down  a  part  of  the  bridge, 
the  Americans  cannonaded  Cornwallis'  army  across  the 
river.  One  of  the  batteries  was  served  by  a  youth  named 
Alexander  Hamilton,  who  was  soon  to  become  one  of 
Washington's  noblest  coadjutors.  The  American  force 
was  scarcely  three  thousand.  Howe,  was  held  back  ~by  in 
visible  hands  from  overwhelming  the  little  band  of  heroes. 
Washington,  in  "anguish  even  to  tears"  at  the  desolation 
of  the  people  of  New  Jersey  under  their  iron  war-hoof, 
addressed  Lee  once  more :  "  I  request,  and  I  entreat  you, 
and  this  too  by  the  advice  of  all  the  general  officers  with 
me,  to  march  and  join  me  with  your  whole  force,  with 
all  possible  expedition.  Do  come  on — your  arrival  without 
delay  may  be  the  means  of  preserving  a  city. " 

Lee  had  been  summoned  a  dozen  times  before  to  join 
him,  but  nothing  was  further  from  his  intentions.  Cou 
riers  and  letters  reached  him  every  day,  sometimes  two 
a  day,  telling  of  the  extremity  of  the  situation  ;  yet  he 
detained  by  far  the  most  efficient  regiments  on  the  Hud 
son  and  declined  to  move.  He  felt  himself  sufficiently 
strong  to  disregard  by  evading  the  orders  of  Congress, 
writing  to  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  "Affairs  appear 
in  so  important  a  crisis,  that  I  think  even  the  resolves  of 
Congress  must  no  longer  weigh  nicely  with  us." 

The  reputation  of  Lee  was  at  its  zenith  at  this  time. 
In  Congress  and  the  New  England  States  "his  name  Avas 
the  mythical  symbol  of  ability,  decision,  knowledge  of  war 


"ALL'S  WELL  THAT  ENDS  WELL."  Go 

and  success."  At  the  disaster  of  Fort  Washington,  he 
spread  the  rumor  that  he  had  "counselled  the  general  to 
draw  off  the  garrison,  and  he  had  failed  to  follow  it."  To 
a  member  of  Congress  he  wrote,  "Your  apathy  makes  me 
mad.  Had  I  the  powers,  I  could  do  you  much  good. 
Might  I  but  dictate  for  one  week.  Did  none  of  the  Con 
gress  ever  read  the  Roman  history  ?  " 

At  last,  feeling  himself  .compelled  by  authority  of  Con 
gress  to  cross  the  Hudson  into  New  Jersey,  he  lingered 
still  on  its  western  bank,  determined  not  to  join  forces 
with  Washington,  but  to  impress  into  his  own  command 
all  reinforcements  that  were  now  being  hurried  forward. 
In  reply  to  Washington's  mild  reproof  for  his  tardiness, 
he  wrote  only,  "  I  shall  explain  my  difficulties  when  we 
both  have  leisure."  On  the  4th  of  December,  seven  regi 
ments  that  Schuyler  had  hurried  onward  arrived,  and 
Lee  wrote  to  Washington,  "  I  shall  put  ni}Tself  at  their  head 
to-morrow."  On  the  8th  of  December,  while  the  com- 
mandcr-in-chief  was  painfully  retreating  before  the  army 
of  Howe  and  Cornwallis  with  his  handful  of  half-starved 
and  half -clad  soldiers,  weak  and  worn  with  fatigue  and 
anxiety,  Lee  had  the  audacity  to  announce  to  Congress 
that  he  had  no  intention  to  join  forces  with  Washington, 
saying,  "I  am  assured  he  is  very  strong."  The  courier  of 
Washington  was  praying  for  his  assistance  while  he  penned 
the  lie.  His  message  to  the  general  was,  that  he  would 
aid  him  in  so  far  "  that  he  would  hang  on  the  enemy's 
rear  and  annoy  them,"  adding  that  his  division  "amounted 
to  four  thousand  noble-spirited  men." 

"Whom  the  gods  would  destroy  they  first  make  mad." 
Four  days  after,  Lee  with  a  small  guard  stopped  for  the 
night  at  White's  tavern  near  Baskinridge,  eight  miles 
from  his  main  army.  The  enemy  were  at  the  safe  distance 
of  eighteen  miles.  "The  next  morning  he  lay  in  bed  till 
eight  o'clock.  On  rising,  he  wasted  two  hours  with  Wil 
kinson,  a  messenger  from  Gates,  in  boasting  of  his  own 


GO  "  ALL'S  WELL  THAT  ENDS  AVELL." 

prowess  and  cavilling  at  everything  done  by  others.  It 
was  ten  o'clock  before  he  sat  down  to  breakfast,  after 
which  he  took  time  in  a  letter  to  Gates  to  indulge  his 
spleen  towards  the  'chief  in  this  wise  : 

"My  DEAR  GATES — 

"  The  ingenious  maneuvre  of  Fort  Washington 
has  unhinged  the  goodly  fabric  we  had  been  building. 
There  never  Avas  so  damned  a  stroke.  Entre  nous,  a  cer 
tain  great  man  is  most  damnably  deficient.  He  has  thrown 
me  into  a  situation  where  I  have  my  choice  of  difficulties  : 
if  I  stay  in  this  province  I  risk  myself  and  my  army  ;  if  I 
do  not  stay,  the  province  is  lost  forever.  Tories  are  in  my 
front,  rear,  and  on  my  flanks.  In  short,  unless  something 
which  I  do  not  expect  turns  up,  we  are  lost.  *  *  *  * 
Adieu,  my  dear  friend.  God  bless  you. 

"CHARLES  LEE." 

The  paper  which  he  signed  was  not  yet  folded  when 
Wilkinson,  at  the  window,  cried  out,  "  Here  are  the  British 
cavalry."  Something  he  did  not  expect  turned  up,  and 
the  cause  was  saved. 

A  young  British  officer  with  a  scouting  party  of  thirty 
dragoons  scouring  the  vicinity,  learned  of  Lee's  lodgings, 
and  made  a  sudden  descent  upon  the  tavern.  The  officer 
called  for  an  immediate  surrender,  or  the  house  would  be 
fired.  "  Within  two  minutes,  he  who  had  made  it  his 
habitual  boast  that  he  would  never  be  taken  alive,  sneaked 
out  unarmed,  bareheaded,  in  slippers  and  blanket-coat,  his 
collar  open,  pale  with  fear,  with  the  abject  manner  of  a 
coward,  and  entreated  the  dragoons  to  spare  his  life. 
They  seized  him  just  as  he  was,  and  set  him  on  Wilkin 
son's  horse,  which  stood  saddled  at  the  door,  and  in  four 
minutes  from  the  time  of  their  appearance  they  began 
their  retreat."  * 

*  Bancroft,  Vol.  IX,  pages  209,  210. 


67 

The  British  declined  to  regard  him  as  a  prisoner, 
refused  to  exchange  him,  and  labelled  him  "  deserter," 
whereupon  he  proposed  to  desert  back  into  the  British 
army,  and  offered  a  plan  for  a  British  attack  upon  the 
Jerseys  and  capture  of  Philadelphia.  Washington,  with 
his  illimitable  magnanimity,  sought  to  liberate  him,  and 
finally  effected  it  by  giving  several  British  officers  in 
exchange.  It  was  a  bad  investment.  He  appears  again 
at  Monmouth,  where  his  treason  is  unmistakably  uncov 
ered  ;  he  is  court-martialed  and  disappears  from  history. 
It  is  incredible  that  such  a  combination  of  qualities  could 
have  become  the  idol  of  the  hour  with  so  large  and  respect 
able  a  faction,  and  that  a  brave,  honest,  puritan  patriot 
like  John  Adams  could  have  bestowed  upon  him  a  confi 
dence  which  he  withheld  from  Washington. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  estimate  the  gain  to  the  Amer 
ican  cause  by  the  capture  of  Lee.  His  forces  now  joined 
Washington,  who,  by  his  masterly  maneuvres,  hud  held  the 
whole  British  army  at  bay,  slowly  retreating  through  New 
Jersey  for  ninety  miles,  delaying  and  harassing  the  foe, 
covering  as  he  could  the  terrified  inhabitants,  gaining 
time,  and  trusting  for  the  "further  protection  of  mid 
winter  and  impassable  roads."  Crossing  the  Delaware,  he 
secured  every  boat  for  seventy  miles.  Gates  had  now 
joined  him  with  five  hundred  New  England  men,  led  by 
the  valiant  Stark,  who  with  Stirling,  Mercer,  Sullivan, 
Greene,  Glover,  Knox,  Munroe  and  Alexander  Hamilton, 
rendered  valuable  service  in  executing  that  superb  stroke, 
the  surprise  of  Trenton  and  the  capture  of  the  Hessian 
army.  The  plan  included  the  co-operation  of  three  detach 
ments,  crossing  at  different  points.  The  one  at  Bristol, 
Washington  earnestly  solicited  Gates  to  lead,  "using  the 
language  of  entreaty." 

His  own  detachment  began  its  march  at  three  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon  of  Christmas  day,  and  reached  McConkey's 
Ferry  in  the  winter  twilight ;  a  high  wind  dashed  sleet  and 


68 

hail  into  their  faces  ;  the  swift  current  swept  along  huge 
blocks  and  masses  of  ice.  "  At  the  water's  edge  Washing 
ton  asked,  '  Who  will  lead  us  on  ? '  Glover's  mariners 
of  Marblehead,  the  same  that  had  ferried  Washington's 
army  from  Long  Island  to  New  York  after  the  defeat, 
stepped  forward  to  man  the  boats.  Just  then  a  messen 
ger  came,  announcing  that  no  help  could  be  expected  from 
the  troops  at  Bristol.  Soon  after,  Wilkinson  arrived  and 
handed  a  letter  to  Washington  from  General  Gates.  'From 
General  Gates  ? '  said  Washington ;  '  Where  is  he  ? '  '  On 
his  way  to  Congress,'  said  Wilkinson."  Congress  had 
retreated  to  Baltimore. 

The  work  was  accomplished  without  him.  Brave  work, 
fighting  the  elements  all  through  that  wild,  stormful 
winter  night,  and  snatching  the  victory  in  the  gray  dawn 
that  was  to  turn  a  nation's  despair  into  hope,  and  gild  the 
gloom  of  night  with  the  radiance  of  a  new  day.  The 
enemy  so  interpreted  it.  "All  our  hopes,"  said  Lord 
Germain,  "  were  blasted  by  the  unhappy  affair  at  Trenton." 
Whatever  might  be  the  estimate  which  Congress  put  upon 
Washington's  military  genius,  certain  it  is  that  Howe  and 
Cornwallis  had  taken  its  true  porportions.  Not  alone 
these — all  Europe  was  watching  for  the  outcome  of  this 
unequal  wrestle.  The  greatest  captain  of  the  age,  old 
Frederick  the  Great,  recognized  his  distinguished  ability, 
and  from  the  most  illustrious  persons  came  praises  and 
congratulations  to  the  defenders  of  human  liberty  in  the 
New  World. 

The  tide  of  battle  turned ;  from  being  the  pursuers, 
the  -British  now  became  the  pursued — a  panic  seized  them 
— they  retreated  and  Washington  followed,  haunting  the 
hills  of  New  Jersey  with  his  phantom  army,  hovering 
around  homesteads  and  villages  to  protect  the  terrified 
women  and  children  from  the  brutal  soldiery ;  sweeping 
down  upon  the  enemy's  foraging  parties  like  fitful  winter 
gusts,  capturing,  dispersing,  or  compelling  them  to  keep 


"ALL'S  WELL  THAT  EXDS  WELL."  69 

within  their  lines;  appearing  where  least  expected,  and 
disappearing  when  most  wanted  to  remain.  If  assailed, 
leading  his  hungry,  half -naked  heroes  tip  into  some  rocky 
fastness  for  safety ;  if  followed  there,  creeping  stealthily 
away  like  the  mountain  mists,  to  reappear  in  some  unex 
pected  quarter.  In  vain  did  Howe  maneuvre  to  bring 
him  to  battle ;  yet  with  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  strong, 
while  Washington  had  never  more  than  three  thousand, 
the  British  general  dared  not  march  again  towards  Phila 
delphia. 

The  campaign  of  1776  was  virtually  over,  and  the  plans 
of  the  British  ministry,  sustained  as  they  had  been  by 
overwhelming  forces,  had  failed  everywhere  ;  defeat  was  at 
the  last  crowned  with  victory,  and  victory  slunk  away, 
dragging  defeat  at  its  heels.  Carleton  had  not  descended 
the  Hudson,  because  Howe  could  not  ascend  it.  Corn- 
wallis  had,  indeed,  overrun  New  Jersey  and  threatened 
Philadelphia,  but  was  now  driven  back  to  the  sea.  The 
disastrous  repulse  from  Charleston  harbor  was  part  of  the 
same  campaign — three  simultaneous  blows,  which  it  was 
thought  must  prove  mortal  to  the  young  Eepublic. 

The  possession  of  New  York  and  its  harbor,  alone 
recompensed  their  gigantic  efforts. 


VII.— 1776,  1777. 
THE  KIFLE  EEGIMENT. 

ON  the  night  of  September  llth,  1776,  five  transports 
sailed  into  New  York  harbor,  bringing  from  Canada 
the  paroled  prisoners  released  by  the  clemency  of  Carle  ton. 
It  was  midnight,  and  the  light  of  a  full  moon  silvered  the 
pleasant  shores  and  green  hill  slopes.  From  the  bow  of 
one  of  the  boats,  as  she  touched  the  land,  sprung  a  stal 
wart  form,  and  casting  himself  down  with  his  face  to  the 
earth,  as  if  to  embrace  it,  he  cried  aloud,  "  0,  my  coun 
try  "  !  It  was  Morgan.  He  reported  without  delay  to  the 
commander-in -chief  at  the  American  head-quarters.  He 
was  warmly  received.  He  assured  Washington  of  his  de 
termination  to  return  to  the  service,  as  soon  as  he  could 
be  released  from  his  parole,  and  then  he  went  homeward 
to  Abigail  and  the  children. 

Washington  promptly  transmitted  to  Congress  his  views 
and  wishes  concerning  Morgan,  in  the  following  letter  : 

"  HARLEM  HEIGHTS,  September  20, 1776. 

"  SIR  : — I  would  beg  leave  to  recommend  to  the  particu 
lar  notice  of  Congress  Captain  Daniel  Morgan,  just  re 
turned  among  the  prisoners  from  Canada.  His  conduct 
as  an  officer,  on  the  expedition  with  General  Arnold  last 
fall,  his  intrepid  behavior  in  the  assault  upon  Quebec, 
when  the  brave  Montgomery  fell,  the  inflexible  attachment 
he  professed  to  our  cause  during  his  imprisonment,  and 
which  he  perseveres  in, — all,  in  my  opinion,  entitle  him  to 
the  favor  of  Congress,  and  lead  me  to  believe  that  in  his 


THE   RIFLE    REGIMENT.  71 

promotion  the  States  will  gain  a  good  and  valuable  officer, 
*    *    *    * 

"I  am,  sir, 

"Your  very  humble  servant, 

"  GEO.  WASHINGTON." 

In  November,  Congress  acted  upon  Washington's  sug 
gestion  and  gave  him  a  colonel's  commission.  About  the 
beginning  of  the  year  he  was  exchanged  and  directed  to 
recruit  for  his  regiment.  In  February,  he  received  an 
urgent  summons  to  report  with  all  possible  dispatch  to  the 
main  army, — and  shortly  afterwards  the  following  charac 
teristic  letter  from  Patrick  Henry,  the  Governor  of  Vir 
ginia,  reached  him  : 

"  WILLIAMSBDRGH,  March.  15,  1777. 

"  SIR  : — I  must  once  more  address  you  on  the  subject  of 
marching  your  regiment  to  join  General  Washington. 
There  is  a  more  pushing  necessity  for  your  aid  than  you 
are  acquainted  with,  or  than  I  can  with  propriety  explain 
in  detail.  Yon  will,  therefore,  surmount  every  obstacle, 
and  lose  not  a  moment,  lest  America  receive  a  wound  that 
may  prove  fatal. 

"  I  am,  sir,  etc., 

"PATRICK  HENRY. 

"  COLONEL  MORGAN." 

Morgan  pushed  on  at  once  with  what  force  lie  had  col 
lected,  and  by  the  end  of  March  reached  headquarters  at 
Morristown.  Washington,  in  the  campaign  of  the  previ 
ous  year,  had  sorely  suffered  from  the  lack  of  a  corps  of 
sharpshooters — men  of  the  woods  and  the  rifle  —  under  a 
leader  of  penetration  and  sagacity,  upon  whose  prompt 
and  correct  intelligence  of  the  enemy's  movements  might 
often  turn  the  tide  of  battle.  He  detailed  a  force  of  five 
hundred  picked  men  from  his  various  regiments,_and  put 


72  THE    RIFLE    EEGIMEXT. 

Morgan  in  command.  As  a  proof  of  Morgan's  fine  dis 
cernment  of  character,  his  eight  captains,  appointed,  by 
himself,  all  rendered  valuable  service,  and  notwithstand 
ing  the  severe  tests  to  which  they  were  subsequently  sub 
jected,  not  one  was  found  wanting. 

The  service  upon  which  Morgan  now  entered  was  both 
delicate  and  dangerous,  involving  abundant  labor  and 
anxiety,  coolness  or  rashness,  according  to  the  emergency  ; 
prudence,  judgment,  and  unceasing  vigilance.  He  was 
the  watcher,  not  alone  for  Washington's  camp  at  Mid- 
dlebrook,  but  also  of  Howe's  every  movement,  —  of 
which  he  was  to  give  immediate  intelligence  to  the 
main  army,  and,  with  his  rangers,  to  harass,  annoy  and 
prey  upon  the  enemy's  outposts.  He  proved  himself 
a  "  master  workman"  in  every  position  in  which  he  was 
placed. 

Through  Howe's  native  indolence,  his  sluggish  Guelph 
blood,  or  through  want  of  earnestness  in  the  cause  (so 
charged  the  home  ministry),  he  had  lost  the  two  best  fight 
ing  months — April  and  May.  He  had  demanded  of  the 
ministry  fifteen  thousand  additional  troops,  and  the  cam 
paign  of  1777  contemplated  precisely  what  they  had  failed 
to  accomplish  in  1776 — the  capture  of  the  Hudson  Eiver 
and  Philadelphia. 

Carleton's  humanity  had  brought  him  into  disgrace  at 
home.  He  had  been  superseded  by  Burgoyne,  who  was 
now  approaching  Ticonderoga,  with  the  expectation  of 
Howe's  co-operation  from  below.  But  Howe  could  not 
venture  to  ascend  the  Hudson,  without  first  disposing  of 
Washington's  army.  It  would  leave  New  York  in  peril 
and  expose  himself  to  be  penned  among  the  highlands 
of  the  river.  He  had  had  his  tilt  with  Washington  in  its 
fastnesses  the  year  before,  and  he  had  no  mind  to  repeat 
the  experiment.  He  preferred  the  capture  of  the  capital 
of  the  young  Republic,  and  preferred  also  to  approach  it 
by  the  easy  lowlands  of  New  Jersey.  But  here,  too,  he 


THE    KIFLE    REGIMENT.  73 

must  first  dispose  of  Washington's  army  before  he  could 
venture  to  put  the  Delaware  behind  him,  and  so  cut  off 
his  retreat  to  his  ships  in  case  of  disaster. 

Washington  had  not  eight  thousand  troops  in  his  entire 
command;  but  he  adroitly  disposed  them  to  simulate 
a  much  larger  number.  On  the  twelfth  of  June,  Howe 
having  received  horses,  tents,  stores,  and  reinforcements, 
put  his  army  of  British,  Hessians  and  Anspachers,  to  the 
number  of  seventeen  thousand,  in  motion.  Boats  and 
pontoons  for  crossing  the  Delaware  were  collected  at 
Brunswick.  He  hoped  to  draw  Washington  from  his 
fortified  camp  into  a  field  fight.  He  marched  and  man- 
euvred  and  countermarched ;  Washington  kept  six  thou 
sand  intrenched  in  camp  ;  with  the  rest,  as  an  army  of 
observation,  he  followed  and  watched.  For  himself  he 
was  night  and  day  in  the  saddle,  and  every  man  slept 
upon  his  arms.  Howe  threw  up  fortifications  near  the 
American  camp,  and  challenged  attack.  It  was  not  ac 
cepted. 

While  the  armies  thus  confronted,  Congress  adopted  the 
present  national  flag  of  thirteen  stripes,  with  stars,  on  a 
field  of  blue.  They  also  fretted  and  chafed  at  the  inac 
tivity  of  the  army.  While  Washington,  with  matchless 
prudence,  was  saving  the  cause,  when  to  have  crossed 
the  river  with  his  small  and  ill-provided  force  was  just 
what  Howe  desired,  one  of  his  general  officers  wrote, 
"We  must  fight  or  lose  our  honor";  and  Samuel  Adams 
said,  "  I  am  not  over- well  pleased  with  what  is  called  the 
Fabian  Avar  in  America."  Washington  heard  it,  but  he 
heeded  it  not ;  and,  with  undisturbed  self-possession,  con 
tinued  to  hold  in  check  and  baffle  an  enemy  of  more  than 
twice  his  numbers.  Howe  marched  again  to  Brunswick, 
feigning  still  an  intention  to  cross  New  Jersey,  closely 
observed  by  Washington.  Baffled  and  out-man euvred, 
on  the  twentieth,  to  the  joy  and  relief  of  the  whole  State, 
the  entire  British  force  was  in  retreat  for  Amboy.  On 
4 


74  THE    RIl'LE    REGIMENT. 

this  retreat  Morgan  greatly  distinguished  himself.  'Wash 
ington  had  planned  a  joint  attack  by  Sullivan,  Maxwell 
and  Greene,  between  Brunswick  and  Amboy.  Sullivan 
arrived  too  late  ;  Maxwell  did  not  receive  the  order  sent 
him  ;  Greene  was  on  hand,  but  placed  his  battery  of  heavy 
guns  at  a  point  too  distant  to  be  effective.  But  at  Piscat- 
away,  Morgan  and  his  riflemen  attacked  the  column  of 
Cornwallis  so  fiercely  and  persistently  that  Howe  was 
forced  to  order  up  heavy  artillery,  before  he  could  rid 
his  flanks  of  their  unerring  rifle-balls  and  proceed  upon 
his  retreat. 

The  American  officers  were  generally  jubilant,  declaring 
that  the  British  were  panic-struck.  Washington  did  not 
share  in  this  opinion,  but  so  far  yielded  to  their  wishes  as 
to  come  down  from  the  heights  with  his  main  army. 
Stirling  with  one  division  pushed  ahead.  Howe  immedi 
ately  conceived  the  idea  of  getting  into  their  rear.  Hastily 
recalling  his  German  battalions  which  had  crossed  to 
Staten  Island,  he  made  a  swift  march  in  two  columns,  by 
different  routes.  On  the  night  of  the  twenty-sixth, 
Cornwallis  overtook  Stirling,  who  fired  once  and  fled, 
leaving  three  pieces  of  his  artillery, — brass  three-pounders, 
but  recently  arrived  from  France.  The  Americans  lost 
more  than  a  hundred  killed  and  prisoners  ;  the  British 
less.  The  other  column  under  Howe,  who  had  aimed 
for  Washington's  division  to  which  Morgan  was  attached, 
accomplished  nothing ;  they  had  retired  promptly  to  the 
heights  of  Middlebrook. 

The  British  again  turned  towards  Amboy.  On  this 
retreat  also  Morgan  overtook  Cornwallis'  division,  and 
followed  it  as  far  as  Eahway,  keeping  up  a  continual 
skirmish  upon  his  flanks  and  rear,  killing  and  wounding 
a  large  number.  Never  once  had  he  or  his  party  suffered 
a  surprise,  or  failed  to  accomplish  what  they  were  expected 
to  do. 

Washington,  in  his  reports  to  Congress,  made  honorable 


THE    RIFLE    REGIMENT.  ?5 

mention  of  them,  specially  noting  that  "  they  constantly 
advanced  upon  an  enemy  far  superior  to  them  in  numbers 
and  well  secured."  Wayne  also  shared  this  honorable 
mention. 

On  the  30th   of   June,  Howe  evacuated  New  Jersey, 
never  again,  as  it  proved,  to  put  foot  upon  its  soil. 


VIII— 1777. 
FALL  OF  TICONDEROGA. 

PHILADELPHIA  once  more  breathed  freely,  and 
A.  ventured  to  observe  the  first  anniversary  of  inde 
pendence  with  demonstrations  rather  more  jubilant  than 
if  its  citizens  had  known  the  calamity  that  was  on  that 
day  impending  over  the  northern  army.  A  wreek  after,  the 
tidings  fell  like  a  sound  of  doom  over  the  land.  On  the 
5 th  of  July  fell  Ticonderoga.  and  the  northern  gates  of 
the  Republic  were  in  the  hands  of  Burgoyne. 

Washington  dared  not  move  until  he  could  penetrate 
Howe's  plans  of  summer  campaign.  It  would  be  either  to 
ascend  the  river  and  co-operate  with  Burgoyne,  or,  perhaps, 
to  make  another  attack  on  Philadelphia.  In  the  latter 
case,  he  might  march  across  New  Jersey  as  before,  or  em 
bark  on  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Howe  and  by  sea  ascend  the 
Delaware,  or  enter  the  Chesapeake  Bay,  disembark  at  its 
head,  and  approach  the  city  by  land.  It  was  barely  possi 
ble  that  he  might  contemplate  an  expedition  still  further  ; 
this  last  was  not  probable  at  so  advanced  a  season. 

Fortunately  for  the  American  cause,  Howe  could  not 
rid  himself  of  the  ambition  or  delusion  that  the  capture 
of  Philadelphia  was  of  the  highest  military  importance. 
Besides,  he  was  irritated  at  being  out-generaled  in  New 
Jersey;  and  stirred  with  envy  at  the  splendid  success  of 
Burgoyne,  he  resolved  to  let  him  for  the  present  carve  his 
own  fortunes  on  the  Hudson.  He  embarked  his  army  and 
stood  out  to  sea. 

Washington  ordered  a  strict  watch   along  the  coast. 


FALL   OF   TICONDEROGA.  77 

After  some  days,  the  British  fleet  was  seen  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Delaware.  Still  Washington  did  not  move — it  might 
be  only  a  maneuvre.  The  fleet  disappeared  for  several 
days ;  Washington  still  thought  Howe  would  return  and 
go  up  the  Hudson.  The  commander-in-chief  could  not 
rid  himself  of  this  opinion,  because  it  would  have  been 
Howe's  highest  wisdom  to  do  so.  A  week  later,  the  fleet 
sailed  into  Chesapeake  Bay,  and,  no  longer  in  doubt,Wash- 
ington  put  his  army  in  motion,  and  ordered  the  militia  of 
Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland  and  Virginia  to  join 
him. 

The  conduct  of  the  northern  campaign  was  equally 
Washington's  care  at  this  time  with  that  of  his  own.  Dis 
cord  and  disorder  reigned  there  alike,  to  the  discomfiture 
of  patriots  and  the  peril  of  the  cause.  The  intrigues  of 
Gates  had  prevailed  with  Congress,  and  they  had  appointed 
him  to  supersede  Schuyler  in  command  of  the  northern 
department.  Gates'  ambition  was  pricked  by  his  family 
influence.  u  As  your  son  and  heir,"  wrote  his  only  child, 
"  I  entreat  you  not  to  tarnish  the  honor  of  your  famity. " 
His  uneasy  and  ambitious  wife  adds  :  "  If  you  give  up  one 
iota,  and  condescend  to  be  adjutant-general,  I  may  forgive, 
but  will  never  forget  it." 

The  old  patriot,  Schuyler,  was  willing  to  be  displaced 
by  a  man  of  superior  ability,  but  not  by  this  vain  arid 
hungry  place-seeker,  whom  he  rightly  estimated. 

Schuyler  repaired  to  Congress,  and  in  person  appealed 
from  this  decision  of  the  Board  of  War.  After  protracted 
debate,  he  was  reinstated  just  in  time  to  share  the  odium 
with  St.  Clair  of  the  fall  of  Ticonderoga,  and  most  aus 
piciously  for  Gates,  who  thus  escaped  all  responsibility  for 
the  disaster.  During  his  temporary  command  at  the  north, 
Gates,  whose  treachery  against  the  commander-in-chief 
was  maturing,  used  every  effort  to  divert  reinforcements 
from  Washington's  army  to  his  own.  Writing  to  Hancock, 
he  says :  "  I  foresee  the  worst  of  consequences  from  too 


78  FALL   OF  TICOKDEROGA. 

great  a  proportion  of  the  main  army  being  drawn  into  the 
Jerseys.  Request  Congress,  in  my  name,  to  order  two 
troops  of  horse  to  Albany."  It  was  done. 

Washington  thought  that  Gates  should  make  his  requi 
sitions  directly  to  him,  or  at  least  furnish  him  a  duplicate  ; 
but  Gates  insisted  upon  dealing  immediately  with  Con 
gress,  on  the  plea  that  it  required  less  writing.  He  sneer- 
ingly  remarked  to  a  member  of  Congress,  "  I  am  not  in 
fected  with  a  cacoetliis  scribendi :  one  serviceable  action 
without  doors  is  worth  all  that  has  been  wrote  since  the 
beginning  of  the  wTar. "  In  a  letter  to  Lovell,  a  New 
England  member  of  Congress,  he  rehearses  his  complaints 
against  "  George  Washington, "  urging  that  Congress 
should  intervene  because  "  Generals  were  like  parsons,  all 
for  christening  their  own  child  first."  * 

In  these  puerile  innuendoes  against  a  spirit  too  lofty  to 
entertain  such  sentiments,  Gates  lays  bare  his  own  heart, 
with  its  envious  self-seeking,  without  an  element  of  patri 
otism,  or  a  scruple  for  the  consequences  to  the  cause. 

Washington  did  not  share  the  panic  with  regard  to  the 
advance  of  Burgoyne  into  the  wilderness  of  upper  New 
York  ;  he  rather  hailed  it.  His  prophetic  forecast  antici 
pated  the  disastrous  termination  of  the  invasion.  Bur- 
goyne's  army  was  less  than  eight  thousand.  He  wrote 
encouragingly  to  Schuyler,  bidding  him  "never  despair"; 
explaining  that  Burgoyne  must  necessarily  leave  adequate- 
garrisons  at  every  post  in  his  rear,  which  would  be  con 
tinually  menaced  by  the  militia  of  New  York  and  Ver 
mont  :  that  the  immense  labor  of  cutting  new  roads  and 
dragging  artillery  and  supplies  through  such  a  wilderness, 
would  exhaust  and  delay  their  movements  ;  that  the  har 
vests  were  now  gathered,  and  the  brave  yeomanry  of  New 
York  and  New  England  would  flock  to  reinforce  his  army, 
eager  to  avenge  the  shocking  barbarities  of  Burgoyne's 
Indian  allies.  Yet  at  this  time,  "perplexed  in  the  ex- 
*  Bancroft,  Vol.  IX. 


FALL   OF   TICOXDEROGA.  79 

treme  "  by  Howe's  maneuvres, — with  the  whole  coast  from 
New  York  to  Maryland  threatened  ;  entreaties  for  rein 
forcements  and  supplies  continued  to  pour  in  upon  him 
from  Schuyler,  from  the  Council  of  New  York,  from  Jay 
and  Gouverneur  Morris.  Schuyler  was  terrified  out  of  all 
reason  ;  Washington  sent  Arnold  the  fearless,  and  Lincoln, 
who  was  popular  with  the  Eastern  militia.  He  sent  also, 
to  his  own  loss  and  discomfiture,  Glover  of  Massachusetts, 
with  his  fine  brigade  of  Continentals ;  and  wrote  to  the 
Governors  of  the  Eastern  States  urging  them  to  hasten  on 
their  militia.  Things  went  as  Washington  had  predicted. 
Burgoyne's  army,  supplied  from  Canada,  began  to  suffer 
hunger.  They  essayed  to  seize  the  American  stores  at 
Bennington,  but  Stark  repulsed  them  and  won  there  a 
splendid  victory  and  enduring  fame.  Another  expedition 
for  a  similar  purpose,  in  the  Mohawk  Valley,  was  repulsed 
near  Fort  Stanwix  by  the  brave  yeomanry  of  that  valley 
under  Herkimer,  who  fell  in  the  conflict. 

These  were  irretrievably  heavy  blows  for  the  army  of 
Burgoyne.  Just  after  these  important  victories,  Congress 
again  superseded  Schuyler  by  the  appointment  of  Gates. 
"  Most  auspiciously  for  Gates,"  says  Irving,  "at  this  pro 
pitious  moment,  when  everything  was  ready  for  the  sickle 
to  be  put  into  the  harvest,  General  Gates  arrived  in  camp 
and  relieved  Schuyler  of  his  command,  so  long  the  object 
of  his  aspirations,  if  not  intrigues."  Gates  continued 
the  demand  for  reinforcements,  and  Congress,  against 
Washington's  advice,  who  warned  them  that  New  Jersey 
and  Pennsylvania  troops  were  needed  at  home  to  repel 
Howe,  granted  him  full  powers  to  call  on  those  States. 

Last  and  heaviest  loss  of  all  to  the  commander-in-chief, 
Congress  directed  him  to  dispatch  Morgan  and  his  picked 
brigade,  selected  from  his  best  regiments,  to  assist  Gates 
against  the  Indians. 

"Washington  obeyed  so  promptly  that  the  order  may 
seem  to  have  been  his  own." 


80  FALL   OF   TICONDEROGA. 

"August  16,  1777. 

"Sir:-—  After  you  receive  this,  you  will  march  as  soon 
as  possible  with  the  corps  under  your  command  to  Peeks- 
kill,  where  vessels  will  be  provided  to  take  you  to  Albany. 
The  approach  of  the  enemy  has  made  further  reinforce 
ments  necessary,  and  I  know  of  no  corps  so  likely  to  check 
their  progress  in  proportion  to  its  number  as  that  under 
your  command. 

"I  have  great  dependence  on  you,  your  officers  and 
your  men,  and  I  am  persuaded  you  will  do  honor  to  your 
selves  and  essential  service  to  your  country,  etc.,  etc. 
"  I  am  your  obedient  servant, 

"  GEORGE  WASHINGTON." 
"  COLONEL  MORGAN." 

To  General  Gates,  Washington  wrote:  "I  have  dis 
patched  Colonel  Morgan  with  his  riflemen  to  your  assist 
ance,  and  expect  they  will  be  with  you  in  eight  or  ten 
days  from  this  date.  This  corps  I  have  great  dependence 
on,  and  have  no  doubt  but  they  will  be  exceedingly  useful 
to  you  ;  as  a  check  given  to  the  savages  and  keeping  them 
within  bounds,  will  prevent  General  Burgoyne  from  get 
ting  intelligence  as  formerly,"  etc.,  etc. 

To  General  Putnam  he  wrote  :  "  The  people  of  the 
Northern  army  seem  so  intimidated  by  the  Indians  that  I 
have  determined  to  send  up  Colonel  Morgan's  corps.  You 
will  please  have  sloops  ready  at  Peekskill  to  transport 
them,  and  provisions  laid  in,  that  they  may  not  wait  a 
moment." 

To  Governor  Clinton:  "I  am  forwarding  as  fast  as 
possible  Colonel  Morgan's  corps  of  riflemen,  amounting 
to  about  five  hundred.  These  are  all  chosen  men,  selected 
from  the  army  at  large,  well  acquainted  with  the  rifle 
and  with  that  mode  of  fighting  which  is  necessary  to  make 
them  a  good  counterpoise  to  the  savages.  /  expect  the 
most  eminent  services  from  them,  and  I  shall  be  mistaken 


FALL    OF   TICCKNDEROGA.  81 

if  their  presence  does   not  go  far  towards  producing  a 
general  desertion  among  the  savages. " 

General  Gates,  in  reply  to  Washington,  writes :  "I 
cannot  sufficiently  thank  your  excellency  for  sending 
Colonel  Morgan's  corps  to  this  army  ;  they  will  be  of  the 
greatest  service  to  it,  for,  until  the  late  successes  this  way 
[Bennington  and  Fort  Stanwix],  the  army,  I  am  told, 
were  quite  panic-struck  by  the  Indians  and  their  Tory 
and  Canadian  assassins  in  Indian  dresses. "  *  *  *  * 

At  Albany  Morgan  found  a  letter  from  Gates,  express 
ing  his  great  satisfaction  at  the  prospect  of  receiving  him 
at  headquarters.  On  arriving,  his  corps  was  designated 
as  the  advance  of  the  army,  and  he  was  to  receive  orders 
only  from  General  Gates. 

These  excerpts  sufficiently  show  how  rapidly  Morgan 
had  risen  in  the  estimation  of  the  officers  of  the  army. 
The  sequel  proves  that  he  was  equally  as  good  a  counter 
poise  to  the  best  and  bravest  of  Burgoyne's  British  and 
Hessian  officers,  as  to  his  savage  allies. 


IX.— 1777. 
BATTLE   OF  BKANDYWINE. 

BUT  how  fared  Washington,  without  the  stout  hearts 
and  strong  hands  he  had  sent  to  Gates?  Before 
him  was  another  field  fight  with  overwhelming  odds,  to 
save  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  The  War  Boards,  one 
would  think,  might  by  this  time  have  digested  the  error 
of  Long  Island  and  New  York.  But  the  same  spirit  still 
adventured  to  direct  military  affairs.  John  Adams  wrote: 

"  We  shall  rake  and  scrape  enough  to  do  Howe's  busi 
ness  ;  the  continental  army  under  Washington  is  more 
numerous  by  several  thousands  than  Howe's  whole  force  ; 
the  enemy  give  out  that  they  are  eighteen  thousand  strong, 
but  we  know  better,  and  that  they  have  not  ten  thousand. 
Washington  is  very  prudent ;  I  should  put  more  to  risk 
were  I  in  his  shoes,  but  perhaps  he  is  right.  Gansevoort 
[at  Stanwix]  has  proved  that  it  is  possible  to  hold  a  post, 
and  Stark  [at  Bennington],  that  it  is  practicable  even  to 
attack  lines  and  posts  with  militia.  I  wish  the  continen 
tal  army  would  prove  that  anything  can  be  done.  I  am 
weary  with  so  much  insipidity  ;  I  am  sick  of  Fabian 
systems.  My  toast  is,  a  short  and  violent  war."  * 

Now  according  to  returns  in  the  British  Department  of 
States,  Howe's  army  numbered  nineteen  thousand  five 
hundred  effective  men,  besides  officers.  Both  officers  and 
men  were  soldiers  by  profession,  selected  from  the  best 
of  the  British  empire,  and  the  best  of  the  warlike  race  of 
Hesse,  perfectly  equipped.  Washington's  effective  force, 

*  Bancroft,  Vol.  IX. 


BATTLE    OF    BRANDY  WINE.  83 

including  militia  and  volunteers,,  was  less  than  twelve 
thousand. 

"  Congress  never  exacted  more  from  Washington,  and 
never  gave  him  less  support ;  but  he  indulged  in  no  com 
plaint,  bearing  himself  with  meekness  and  dignity,  never 
forgetting  the  obedience  and  respect  that  were  due  to 
Congress  as  his  civil  superior.  Thus  he  tired  out  evil 
tongues  and  adverse  fortune,  and  saved  his  country  by 
courage  and  constancy.  He  saw  that  posterity  was  his 
own."* 

But  such  were  the  friends  he  had  at  his  back,  while  his 
face  was  turned  so  bravely  to  their  foes. 

He  never  showed  himself  more  fertile  in  resources  than 
in  this  campaign  ;  but  it  would  have  required  super 
human  genius  to  overcome  the  blundering  of  his  general 
officers — Sullivan  at  the  fords  of  the  Brandywine,  and 
Greene  at  Germantown.  0  for  one  hour  of  Morgan  and 
his  riflemen !  f 

Immediately  after  the  battle  of  Brandywine,  Washing 
ton  sent  the  following  to  Gates  : 

"  CAMP  NEAR  POTTSGROVE,  September  24th,  1777. 
«  $ir  ; — This  army  has  not  been  able  to  oppose  General 
Howe  with  the  success  that  I  wished,  and  needs  a  rein 
forcement.  I  therefore  request  that,  if  you  have  been  so 
fortunate  as  to  oblige  General  Burgoyne  to  retreat  to 
Ticonderoga,  or  if  you  have  not,  and  circumstances  will 
admit,  that  you  will  order  Colonel  Morgan  to  join  me 

*  Bancroft,  Vol.  IX. 

f  Colonel  Heth  writes  to  Morgan  under  date  of  September  30th : 
"You  Lave  been  greatly  wished  for,  since  the  enemy's  landing  at  the 
head  of  Elk  river."  Colonel  Febriger  shortly  after  writes :  "It  is 
generally  believed  that  some  of  the  severest  reverses  we  have  lately 
experienced,  might  have  been  obviated,  could  we  have  had  the  co 
operation  of  yourself  and  your  gallant  corps." — Graham's  Life  of 
Morgan,  p.  178. 


84  BATTLE    01?    BEANDYWTNE. 

again  with  his  corps.  I  sent  him  up  when  I  thought  you 
materially  wanted  him,  and  if  his  services  can  be  dis 
pensed  with  now,  you  will  direct  him  to  return  im 
mediately.  You  will  perceive  I  do  not  mention  this  by 
way  of  command,  but  leave  you  to  determine  upon  it 
according  to  your  situation,  etc.,  etc. 

"Your  obedient  servant, 

"GEO.  WASHINGTON." 
"Major  General  GATES." 

The  delicate  entreaty  of  this  letter,  would  have  been 
sufficient  for  any  man,  not  utterly  wanting  in  every  senti 
ment  of  generosity  and  justice.  He  replied  immediately, 
but  nothing  was  further  from  his  intentions  than  to  com 
ply  with  the  request. 

"  CAMP  BEHMUS  HEIGHT,  October  5th,  1777. 

"Sir: — Since  the  action  of  the  19th  the  enemy  have 
kept  the* ground  they  occupied  the  morning  of  that  day, 
and  fortified  their  camp.  The  advanced  sentries  of  my 
picket  are  posted  within  shot  of,  and  opposite  the  enemy's ; 
neither  side  have  given  ground  an  inch. 

"  In  this  situation,  your  Excellency  would  not  wish  rne 
to  part  with  the  corps,  the  army  of  General  Burgoyne  is 
most  afraid  of.  In  a  fortnight  at  furthest  I  have  the 
prospect  of  being  able  to  reinforce  your  Excellency  in  a 
more  considerable  manner  than  by  a  single  regiment,  etc., 
etc.,  etc. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc. 

"  HORATIO  GATES." 

"His  Excellency  General  WASHINGTON." 


John  Adams  criticised  the  defeat  at  Brandywine  severely, 
and  blamed  Washington  for  crossing  the  Schuylkill.     "  It 


BATTLE   OE    BRANDY  WINE.  85 

is  a  very  injudicious  maneuvre  :  if  he  had  sent  one  brigade 
of  his  regular  troops  to  have  headed  the  militia,  he  might 
have  cut  to  pieces  Howe's  army  in  attempting  to  cross 
any  of  the  fords.  Howe  will  not  attempt  it.  He  will 
wait  for  his  fleet  in  the  Delaware.  0  !  Heaven  grant  us 
one  great  soul.  One  leading  mind,  would  extricate  the 
best  cause  from  that  ruin  which  seems  to  await  it." — 
Nevertheless,  Howe  crossed  the  Schuylkill  that  day  and 
spoiled  the  prophecy.  The  British  Generals  reached  far 
different  conclusions  concerning  Washington's  maneuvres. 
The  spirited  attack  at  Germantown,  October  4th,  so  soon, 
after  Brandy  wine,  proved  the  latter  rather  a  check  than 
a  defeat,  and  went  far  to  discourage  the  British,  and 
reassure  the  friends  of  America  abroad.  Washington  lost 
nothing  of  his  military  prestige  with  them.  Especially 
the  retreat  after  German  town,  was  pronounced  "  admi 
rably  conducted,  as  the  attack  had  been  well  planned." 

In  both  these  actions,  the  foreign  officers  showed  great 
gallantry  and  did  excellent  service ;  Armand,  Fleury, 
Pulaski,  and  above  all  La  Fayette. 

These  noble  spirits  had  been  drawn  from  the  ends  of 
the  earth,  by  the  personal  magnetism  of  Washington, 
and  the  beauty  of  the  cause  to  which  he  had  given  him 
self.  The  French  officers  especially  found  themselves 
inspired  with  an  admiration,  at  once  enthusiastic  and  pro 
found, — alike  honorable  to  themselves  and  the  commander- 
in-chief. 

As  in  the  campaign  of  177G,  Washington,  by  his  move 
ments  below,  had  prevented  the  execution  of  Carleton's 
programme  at  the  North,  so  again  in  1777,  after  sending 
to  Gates  so  many  of  his  best  troops  and  officers,  he  yet 
had  managed  to  detain  Howe,  with  an  army  nearly  twice 
his  own,  thirty  days  in  a  march  of  fifty-four  miles,  and 
thus  prevented  his  co-operation  with  Burgoyne. 

This  co-operation  was  included  in  the  orders  of  the 
ministry,  and  Howe  fully  calculated  to  take  Philadelphia 


SB  BATTLE    OF   BRANDYWINE. 

in  timo  to  dispatcli  an  adequate  force  to  Burgoyne's 
assistance,  after  he  should  have  reached  Albany.  But 
the  second  battle  of  Stillwater  was  fought  three  days  after 
Germantown,  and  on  the  18th  October  came  swift  heralds 
into  the  camp  bringing  news  of  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne. 

Washington  received  it  as  if  it  had  been  his  own  victory, 
with  devout  thankfulness  ;  as  "a  signal  stroke  of  Provi 
dence."  "All  will  be  well,"  he  said,  "in  His  own  good 
time."  Somewhere  evidently,  this  great  soul  had  had  a 
Jacob's  wrestle  with  God's  angel,  and  they  had  come  to 
an  understanding. 

The  news  of  the  surrender  soon  passed  from  the  Amer 
ican  into  the  British  camp,  and  General  Howe  learned 
with  excessive  vexation  the  reverses  of  British  arms  at  the 
North.  He  was  also  far  from  satisfied  with  his  own  posi 
tion.  He  found  that  the  possession  of  Philadelphia  in  no 
way  altered  the  status.  There  was  no  intimidation,  no 
panic,  no  yielding  of  purpose  with  the  patriots.  The  posi 
tion  was  likewise  one  of  anxiety  and  peril. 

The  outcome  could  only  be  a  question  of  "how  long 
shall  we  stay  here,  and  by  what  way  leave  ?  " 

The  British  addressed  themselves  at  once  to  reduce  the 
defences  of  the  Delaware  Eiver,  as  Howe  foresaw  that  he 
must  depend  mainly  upon  the  fleet  for  supplies. 

In  a  fit  of  impatience  he  ordered  the  assault  upon  Red 
Bank ;  one  of  the  most  obstinate  of  the  American  fortifi 
cations.  It  was  repulsed  with  frightful  loss. 

On  receiving  the  intelligence  of  this  victor}7"  at  Red 
Bank,  John  Adams  exclaimed  :  "Thank  God  !  the  glory 
is  not  immediately  due  to  the  commander-in-chief,  or 
idolatry  and  adulation  would  have  been  so  excessive  as  to 
endanger  our  liberties." 

Not  long  after,  Howe  asked  the  king's  leave  to  resign, 
at  the  same  time  assuring  the  ministry  that  still  another 
campaign  would  be  necessary  for  the  reduction  of  America 
with  larger  reinforcements  than  they  had  yet  dispatched. 


BATTLE    01?    lillA.NDYWLN'E.  87 

The  confidence  that  Congress  withheld  from  Washing 
ton  was  fully  given  to  Gates.  His  promises  to  reinforce 
the  commander-in-chief  after  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne 
remained  purposely  unfulfilled.  Weeks  passed,  and  not  a 
soldier  had  been  sent  southward.  Washington  at  last 
"dispatched  Alexander  Hamilton  with  authority  to  de 
mand  them."  In  his  letter  of  instructions  to  Hamilton, 
Washington  writes,  "If  you  meet  Colonel  Morgan  and 
his  corps  on  their  way  down,  let  them  know  how  essential 
their  services  are  to  us,  and  desire  the  Colonel  to  hasten 
his  march  as  much  as  is  consistent  with  the  health  of  his 
men,  after  their  late  fatigues."  *  But  Gates  still  continued 
to  evade  compliance,  making  an  idle  and  insincere  pretext 
of  attack  upon  Ticonderoga,  for  he  knew  the  British  had 
abandoned  it.  He  sent  no  report  of  the  surrender  to 
Washington — a  marked  disrespect — but  to  Congress  : 

"With  an  army  in  health,  vigor,  and  spirits,  Major- 
General  Gates  now  waits  the  commands  of  the  honorable 
Congress." 

Instead  of  rebuking  his  insubordination  in  the  matter 
of  sending  the  troops  to  Washington,  Congress  forbade 
Washington  to  detach  more  than  twenty-five  hundred 
men,  including  the  corps  of  Morgan,  without  first  con 
sulting  Gates  and  Clinton.  Subsequently  it  amended  the 
order  directing  that  he  should  not  detach  any  troops 
except  after  such  consultation,  and  "John  and  Samuel 
Adams,  and  Gerry  of  Massachusetts,  and  Marchant  of 
Ehode  Island  voted  for  that  restriction." 

It  was  the  18th  of  November  before  Morgan  with  his 
corps  arrived  at  Whitemarsh,  Washington's  headquarters, 
having  been  basely  held  back  more  than  five  weeks  after 
Burgoyne's  capitulation  had  become  a  certainty. 

*  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan,  p.  177. 


X.— 1777. 
AENOLD  BEFORE  CONGEESS. 

WE  left  Arnold  at  Ticonderoga,  after  his  naval 
battle  with  Carleton  in  October,  1776.  He  re 
mained  there  a  month,  and  then  reported  to  Washing 
ton  a  few  days  before  the  battle  of  Trenton.  He  had 
missed  despatches  on  his  way  down,  instructing  him 
to  repair  at  once  to  Rhode  Island,  to  concert  measures 
to  meet  the  threatened  invasion  of  a  heavy  British  fleet 
then  hovering  off  the  coast.  He  spent  the  winter  in 
Ehode  Island  and  Boston,  but  failed  in  raising  an  ade 
quate  force  either  to  check  the  invasion  or  to  dislodge 
the  British  from  Newport,  where  they  had  landed  and 
intrenched  themselves. 

In  March,  1777,  whilst  he  sojourned  at  Boston,  Con 
gress  appointed  five  Major-Generals,  all  from  Arnold's 
juniors  in  rank.  He  was  loud  in  his  indignation.  He 
wrote  to  Gates  : 

"  By  Heaven  !   I  am  a  villain,  if  I  seek  not 
A  brave  revenge  for  injured  honor." 

Washington  wrote  immediately  a  soothing  letter,  assur 
ing  him  that  there  must  have  been  some  mistake,  and 
that  the  matter  should  be  investigated.  This  did  but 
"plunge  him  into  more  choler." 

He  replied  :  "  Congress  promoting  junior  officers  to  the 
rank  of  major-generals,  I  view  as  a  very  civil  way  of 
requesting  my  resignation  as  unqualified  for  the  office  I 
hold.  My  commission  was  conferred  unsolicited,  and 


ARNOLD   BEFORE   CONGRESS.  89 

received  with  pleasure  only  as  a  means  of  serving  my 
country.  With  equal  pleasure  I  resign  it,  when  I  can  no 
longer  serve  my  country  with  honor.  The  person  who, 
void  of  the  nice  feeling  of  honor,  will  tamely  condescend 
to  give  up  his  right  and  retain  a  commission  at  the 
expense  of  his  reputation,  I  hold  as  a  disgrace  to  the 
army,  and  unworthy  of  the  glorious  cause  in  which  we 
are  engaged.  When  I  entered  the  army,  my  character 
was  unimpeached.  I  have  sacrificed  my  interest,  ease, 
and  happiness  in  her  cause."  Here  spouts  up  a  jet  of 
truth  :  "It  is  rather  a  misfortune  than  a  fault,  that  my 
exertions  have  not  been  croivned  with  success.  In  justice, 
therefore,  to  my  own  character,  and  for  the  satisfaction 
of  my  friends,  I  must  request  a  court  of  inquiry  into  my 
conduct,"  etc.,  etc. 

Meantime  Washington  had,  on  inquiry  into  the  affair, 
learned  that  the  several  States  insisted  on  having  general 
officers  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  troops  furnished, 
and  Connecticut  already  had  her  quota. 

He  hastened  to  explain  this  to  Arnold,  adding  :  "I  con 
fess  this  is  a  strange  mode  of  reasoning,  hut  it  may  show 
you  that  the  promotion  due  to  your  seniority  was  not  over 
looked  for  want  of  merit."  He  further  dissuaded  him 
from  asking  a  court  of  inquiry,  as  no  charge  had  been 
made  against  him  by  Congress,  adding  that  public  bodies 
were  not  responsible  for  their  acts,  and  that  all  the  satis 
faction  an  individual  could  obtain  was  his  own  conscious 
ness  that  he  deserved  better  than  he  had  received. 

But  this  philosophy  was  no  cure  for  Arnold's  malady. 
He  refused  to  be  comforted,  and  still  desired  permission 
to  go  to  Philadelphia  and  demand  an  inquiry.  He  had 
braved  couri?martial^  before,  and  parried  their  righteous 
judgment  so  successfully  that  he  now  resolved  to  outface 
Congress. 

But  Colonel  Stark  had  also  been  omitted  from  the  five 
brigadier-generals  newly  made  by  Congress,  and  one  can 


DO  ARNOLD   BEFORE   CONGRESS. 

scarcely  refrain  from  wondering  that  Washington  showed 
so  little  uneasiness  for  the  neglect  of  an  officer  who  had  so 
recently  performed  the  bravest  and  most  invaluable  ser 
vice.  He  with  Washington  had  run  the  ice  blockade  of 
the  Delaware,  and  after  the  inspiration  of  the  presence 
of  the  commander-in-chief,  it  was  Stark's  bayonet  charge 
that  had  assured  the  victory  at  Trenton.  He  performed 
signal  service  afterward  at  Princeton,  and  at  the  same 
time,  when  the  paymaster  was  out  of  both  money  and 
credit,  he,  with  Washington  and  other  officers,  pledged  his 
private  fortune. 

He  had  distinguished  himself  at  Banker  Hill,  and  long 
before  in  the  French- Indian  war, — everywhere  performing 
brilliant  and  valuable  service.  He  was  clearly  worth  all 
the  major-generals  Congress  had  yet  appointed  ;  but  they 
passed  him  by,  because  he  was  "  self-willed,"  though  he 
stood  at  the  head  of  the  list  from  New  Hampshire.  The 
great  heart  was  hurt  to  the  core,  and  on  behalf  of  insulted 
manhood  he  left  the  service  and  went  home  to  his  plough, 
"  where  his  patriotism,  like  the  fire  of  the  smithy  when 
sprinkled  with  water,  glowed  more  fiercely  than  ever." 
His  State  received  him  with  honor,  and  put  him  at  the 
head  of  all  the  troops  soon  after  raised  to  oppose  Bur- 
goyne's  approach. 


But  Arnold  was  no  Cincinnatus,  and  had  besides  no 
plough  to  go  to.  He  went  to  Philadelphia.  On  his  way, 
passing  through  Connecticut,  he  heard  of  the  raid  of  two 
thousand  British  troops  under  Tryon,  who  had  landed  at 
Campo,  near  Fairfax,  and  proceeded  to  Danbury  to  de 
stroy  the  public  stores  thus  collected.  Generals  Wooster 
and  Silliman,  'with  Connecticut  militia,  had  gone  in  pur 
suit  of  them.  Arnold  joined  himself  to  them  uninvited, 
about  four  miles  from  Danbury,  where  they  learned  that 


ARNOLD   BEFORE   CONGRESS.  91 

the  town  and  stores  bad  been  burned,  and  the  British  were 
retiring  by  the  route  they  had  come.  General  Wooster 
with  his  division  pushed  on  and  made  a  spirited  attack 
upon  their  rear,  taking  a  score  of  prisoners,  but  the  brave 
old  man  fell  from  his  horse  mortally  wounded.  Arnold 
headed  the  other  division,  and  made  a  boyish  attempt  to 
intercept  their  march  by  throwing  up  a  barricade,  behind 
which  his  party  fought  for  fifteen  minutes,  when  the 
British,  four  times  their  number,  easily  out-flanked  them 
and  went  on  their  way.  They,  however,  hung  upon  the 
enemy's  rear,  and  Arnold  fought  with  his  usual  desperate 
bravery — dust  and  splinters  flying,  and  two  horses  killed 
under  him  !  The  British  ran  at  the  last,  but  embarked 
safely,  having  accomplished  what  they  came  to  do  with 
small  loss. 

"The  news  of  these  exploits  soon  reached  Congress," 
and  the  commission  of  Major-General  was  given  to  him  ; 
also  a  horse  handsomely  caparisoned.  Were  ever  honors 
so  cheaply  won  ?  But  this  still  left  him  below  the  five 
before  appointed.  He  continued  to  sulk.  Washington, 
anxious  to  put  him  in  good  humor,  endeavored  to  make 
what  amends  he  could  for  the  neglect  of  Congress,  by  ap 
pointing  him  to  the  command  on  the  North  River,  then 
considered  one,  if  not  the  most  honorable  post  an  officer 
could  hold. 

He,  however,  declined  it,  and  preferred  to  obtain  from 
Congress  an  examination  into  his  conduct.  Arriving  at 
Philadelphia,  he  became  convinced  of  what  he  had  sus 
pected, — that  the  published  accusations  of  Colonel  Brown 
had  made  an  impression;  the  spirits  of  Montreal  and 
Ticonderoga  "  would  not  down." 

His  complaints  were  loud,  and  with  an  air  of  injured 
innocence  he  wrote  to  Congress  :  "  I  am  exceedingly  un 
happy  to  find,  that  after  having  made  every  sacrifice  of 
fortune,  ease,  and  domestic  happiness  to  serve  my  country, 
I  am  publicly  impeached  (in  particular  by  Lieutenant- 


92  AEKOLD   BEFORE   COXGHESS. 

Colonel  Brown)  of  a  catalogue  of  crimes  which,  if  true, 
ought  to  subject  me  to  disgrace,  infamy,  and  the  just 
resentment  of  my  countrymen.  Conscious  of  the  recti 
tude  of  my  intentions — however  I  may  have  erred  in  judg 
ment — I  must  request  the  favor  of  Congress  to  point  out 
some  mode  by  which  my  conduct,  and  that  of  my  accusers, 
may  be  inquired  into,  and  justice  done  to  the  innocent 
and  injured." 

The  case  went  to  the  "  Board  of  War,"  and  they  acquit 
ted  him,  declaring  that  his  character  had  been  "  cruelly  and 
groundlessly  aspersed."  Congress  confirmed  the  report,  but 
still  withheld  the  rank  for  which  lie  contended.  Nor  were 
the  impressions  removed  from  the  minds  of  many  mem 
bers  of  Congress  by  the  clearance  of  the  "Board  of  War." 

Arnold  was  sensible  of  this,  and  was  still  dissatisfied 
and  uneasy.  He  next  presented  his  accounts,  which  in 
volved  him  in  new  difficulties.  In  fact,  if  the  accounts 
had  preceded  the  inquiry,  it  is  doubtful  if  the  acquittal 
would  have  been  accorded.  They  were  hopelessly  con 
fused.  This  confusion  was  no  doubt  largely  consequent 
upon  the  want  of  proper  organization  at  the  beginning  of 
hostilities.  The  business  of  purchases,  payments,  etc., 
often  fell  upon  the  commanders  of  detachments. 

It  was  peculiarly  the  case  in  the  Canadian  campaign. 
"  From  the  time  Arnold  left  Cambridge  until  after  the  re 
treat  to  Crown  Point,  he  had  on  various  occasions  acted  as 
commander,  commissary  and  paymaster.  His  accounts  were 
voluminous,  complicated,  and  in  many  parts  without 
vouchers  or  proper  certificates."  This  irregularity  they 
could  have  condoned,  but  it  was  also  discovered  "that  he 
had  introduced  a  series  of  extravagant  charges  in  his  own 
favor,  some  of  them  dubious  in  their  character,  and  others 
manifestly  unreasonable,  even  if  the  items  could  have  been 
proved,  which  swelled  his  personal  claims  upon  the  gov 
ernment  to  an  enormous  amount."  * 

*  Sparks'  Life  of  Arnold. 


ARNOLD   BEFORE   CONGRESS.  93 

As  it  was  pretty  well  known  that  lie  had  entered  the 
service  without  either  money  or  credit,  another  "inquiry" 
now  arose  as  to  how,  in  the  space  of  a  few  months  spent 
in  active  military  service,  he  could  have  accumulated  a 
private  fortune  of  such  an  amount  as  appeared  in  the 
balance  of .  his  accounts. 

In  short,  it  was  clearly  perceived  to  be  a  piece  of  insolent 
knavery,  in  which  Congress  was  to  be  overreached  and  the 
public  defrauded.  His  enemies  now  spoke  out  more  em 
phatically,  and  his  friends  were  vexed  and  grieved  at 
"the  hard  task  they  had  undertaken,  of  vindicating  a  man 
whose  merits  as  an  officer  were  of  the  highest  order,  and 
whose  services  they  deemed  invaluable  to  the  country.'7 

What  blindness  !  What  infatuation !  What  one  piece  of 
valuable  service  did  his  record  show  ?  lie  had  certainly 
discovered  a  remarkable  genius  for  "  doing  the  things  he 
should  have  left  undone,  and  leaving  undone  those  he 
should  have  done  ";  for  running  before  he  was  sent,  and 
where  he  was  not  needed,  and  bearing  away  laurels  that 
others  had  won.  Loss,  failure  and  disaster  had  dogged 
his  steps  from  the  outset.  The  accounts  were  referred  to 
a  committee,  and  the  matter  hung. 

It  was  now  June,  1777,  and  Howe  was  again  threatening 
to  cross  New  Jersey.  Philadelphia  was  astir.  Arnold 
was  sent  by  the  "  War  Board  "  to  guard  the  Delaware,  and  co 
operate  with  Washington.  But,  as  we  have  elsewhere  seen, 
Morgan's  rifle-balls,  at  Piscataway  and  Rahway,  together 
with  Washington's  stubborn  entrenchments,  had  driven 
Howe  to  decide  upon  approaching  Philadelphia  by  sea. 
Thus  Arnold  had  no  opportunity  for  "  new  "  exploits. 

He  returned  to  urge  the  settlement  of  his  accounts,— a 
matter  of  prime  necessity  for  him.  But  the  committee 
seemed  not  at  all  inclined  to  allow  them,  and  delayed  their 
report.  Delay  and  investigation  were  what  Arnold  most 
dreaded.  He  therefore  broke  in  upon  their  deliberations 
with  a  tender  of  his  resignation,  declaring  that  ho  was 


94  AKNOLD    J5EFORE    CONGRESS. 

driven  to  this  step  only  by  a  sense  of  the  injustice  he  had 
suffered.  He  pro  tested,  an  ardent  love  for  his  country,  and 
his  readiness  again  to  "fight  and  bleed  "in  her  cause. 
Just  at  this  time,  came  the  intelligence  of  the  fall  of 
Ticonderoga,  and  the  triumphant  advance  of  Burgovne  in 
the  north  ;  also  a  letter  from  Washington,  urging  Con 
gress  to  send  Arnold  to  the  northern  army.  He  likewise 
wrote  to  Arnold,  soothing  him  and  persuading  him  to  go. 

His  resignation  was  probably  intended  to  prick  the 
sympathies  of  Congress  ;  at  all  events,  he  was  easily  in 
duced  to  suspend  it,  and  he  proceeded  at  once  to  join 
Schuyler. 

Arriving  at  headquarters,  he  was  put  in  command  of 
a  division  of  the  army  and  stationed  near  Fort  Edward. 
Four  days  after,  within  the  limits  of  his  command,  occur 
red  the  tragedy  of  Jane  McCrea. 

Arnold's  pickets  were  driven  in,  and  two  or  three  killed. 
Those  who  escaped  brought  an  exaggerated  account  of  the 
number  of  the  savages.  Arnold  detached  a  thousand  men  in 
pursuit,  in  two  divisions,  one  to  fall  upon  their  front  and 
the  other  upon  their  rear.  A  heavy  shower  of  rain,  however, 
fell  upon  their  powder,  and  they  marched  back  without 
seeing  the  Indians.  It  proved  to  have  been  only  a  small 
party  who  made  a  swift  retreat  after  the  atrocious  murder.* 

The  next  day  Schuyler  and  his  whole  army  fell  back  to 
Stillwater.  Meantime  the  question  of  Arnold's  rank  had 
been  brought  before  Congress,  and  the  vote  was  heavily 
against  him, — three  to  one.  He  immediately  signified  to 
Schuyler  his  intention  to  retire  ;  but  Schuyler  besought 
him  not  to  leave  at  that  critical  juncture,  and  he  again 
suspended  his  purpose. 

The  next  event  in  Arnold's  military  career  occurred  in 
connection  with  the  relief  of  Fort  Stanwix — a  most  im 
portant  accessory  to  the  surrender  of  Burgovne.     Having 
penetrated  well  into  "the  wilderness  between  Fort  Edward 
*  Bancroft  gives  only  two  Indians. — Vol.  IX,  p.  392. 


ARNOLD    BEFORE    CONGRESS.  95 

and  Albany,  with  the  militia  swarming  in  his  rear,  it  be 
came  no  longer  possible  for  Burgoyne  to  feed  his  army 
from  Canada.  It  was  a  necessity  to  draw  supplies  from 
the  fruitful  valley  of  the  Mohawk.  The  raid  upon  Ben- 
nington  was  also  planned  with  the  view  of  the  capture  of 
the  magazines  at  that  point. 

Burgoyne  had  dispatched  St.  Leger  with  eight  hundred 
British  and  nearly  a  thousand  Seneca  warriors  to  besiege 
Fort  Stanwix  —  a  formidable  post  of  well-constructed 
earth-works  at  the  head-waters  of  the  Mohawk,  ably  garri 
soned  by  six  hundred  men  under  Colonel  Gansevoort.  A 
brave  band  of  patriot  freeholders  of  the  Mohawk  Valley, 
under  Herkimer,  advanced  to  the  relief  of  the  garrison. 
Informed  of  their  approach,  the  whole  body  of  savages, 
carefully  depositing  their  blankets  and  fur  robes,  left  the 
camp  naked,  or  with  only  hunting-shirts,  armed  with 
spear,  musket  and  tomahawk  for  their  murderous  busi 
ness.  They  were  supported  by  Butler  with  his  rangers, 
Sir  John  Johnson  with  his  Yorkers,  some  British  regulars 
and  Canadians. 

On  came  the  patriot  band,  and  about  six  miles  from  the 
fort  they  entered  an  ambuscade.  They  were  misled  as 
to  the  numbers  of  their  foe.  A  fierce  and  bloody  strug 
gle  they  made  of  it;  "  the  white  man,  born  on  the  banks 
of  the  Mohawk,  wrestled  single-handed  with  the  Seneca 
warrior,  child  of  the  soil,  dealing  mortal  wounds  with  the 
bayonet  or  the  hatchet ;  falling  in  the  forest  together, 
their  left  hands  clinched  in  each  other's  hair,  their  right 
hand  grasping  in  the  grip  of  death  the  knife  plunged  in 
each  other's  bosom."*  Herkimer  was  mortally  wounded, 
but  remained  on  the  field  giving  orders  to  the  last. 

After  a  struggle  of  two  hours  the  savages  withdrew, 
leaving  sixty  of  their  warriors  dead  or  wounded  beneath 
the  trees.  On  the  other  side,  the  blood  of  over  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  of  the  best  and  bravest  freeholders  of  the 
*  Bancroft,  Vol.  IX. 


96  ARNOLD    BEFORE   CONGRESS. 

valley  of  the  Mohawk,  crimsoned  the  green  sward  of  the 
forest. 

During  the  progress  of  the  battle,  a  party  of  tAvo  hun 
dred  and  fifty  sallied  out  from  the  Fort  under  Colonel 
"Willett ;  they  entered  the  camp  and  captured  five  British 
flags,  private  papers,  all  the  kettles,  blankets,  and  fur  robes 
of  the  Indians,  with  a  squad  of  prisoners,  and  returned 
safely. 

For  the  first  time  a  captured  British  flag  floated  beneath 
the  stars  and  stripes. 

The  Indians,  frantic  at  the  slaughter  of  their  chiefs  and 
chilled  by  the  loss  of  their  blankets  and  furs,  began  to 
desert.  They  had  heard  of  the.  approach  of  reinforce 
ments  ;  it  might  mean  another  Herkimer,  for  Schuyler 
had  detached  a  brigade  of  eight  hundred  men  under  Gen 
eral  Learned.  Arnold,  however,  volunteered  to  take  com 
mand.  He  was  instructed  to  call  out  militia  as  he  ad 
vanced,  protect  the  settlements,  and  repel  the  enemy. 

Arriving  at  German  Flats,  Arnold  counted  his  forces, 
and  found  he  had  twelve  hundred  regulars  and  about 
one  hundred  militia.  He  also  learned  that  St.  Leger's 
force  was  seventeen  hundred,  including  a  thousand  Indians. 
Arnold's  force,  with  the  garrison  of  Fort  Stanwix,  was 
quite  equal  to  that  of  the  enemy  ;  but  he  was  no  Indian 
fighter,  as  the  "Cedars"  had  proved;  he  therefore  dis 
patched  a  messenger  to  General  Gates,  who  had  again 
superseded  Schuyler,  asking  for  a  thousand  light  troops. 
He  also  issued  a  pompous  and  wordy  proclamation  full 
of  promises  to  those  who  would  submit,  and  direful 
threats  to  such  as  continued  in  arms  against  the  United 
States.  He  then  ventured  to  move  forward  toward  Fort 
Stanwix. 

A  singular  turn  of  affairs  here  occurred.  A  spy  had 
been  captured  and  brought  into  the  American  camp  ;  an 
inhabitant  of  that  vicinity.  Sparks  says,  that  Lieutenant 
Colonel  Brooks  of  Massachusetts  suggested  that  he  be 


ARNOLD    BEFORE    CONGRESS.  97 

sent  to  the  enemy  with  false  intelligence ;  he  was  to  re 
port  the  approach  of  a  large  army ;  by  this  they  hoped  to 
stimulate  the  desertion  of  the  savages.  Sparks  also  says 
that  "a  friendly  Indian  advised  that  bullets  should  be 
shot  through  his  clothing,  to  confirm  his  story,"  of  escape 
frpm  the  Americans.  His  life  and  the  security  of  his 
property  was  to  be  the  reward  of  his  faithfulness,  and  his 
brother  was  detained  as  a  hostage. 

His  part  was  handsomely  performed.  A  second  mes 
senger  followed  hard  after,  and  magnified  the  number 
threefold.  The  ruse  was  perfectly  successful.  A  panic 
seized  the  Indians,  who  stood  not  upon  the  order  of  their 
going,  but  plundered  their  friends,  as  if  they  had  been 
their  enemies,  bearing  oif  as  their  booty  the  clothing  of 
the  British  officers,  boats  and  provisions.  The  panic  com 
municated  itself  to  St.  Leger's  force,  and  though  no  man 
pursued,  the  retreat  became  a  flight,  leaving  fifty-nine 
tents  standing,  with  much  baggage  and  equipage. 

The  news  of  St.  Leger's  retreat  reached  Arnold  twenty- 
two  miles  from  Stanwix,  but  this  officer  could  by  no 
means  omit  the  punctilio  of  marching  on,  and  in  person 
entering  the  fort  with  colors  flying,  without  having  struck 
a  blow. 

A  swift  march  back  to  Gates'  army,  upon  which  Burgoyne 
was  now  pressing  down,  would  have  been  more  useful, 
but  it  would  have  been  no  "exploit."  Arnold's  letters 
confirm  the  above  statements. 


"  To  GENERAL  GATES. 

"  GERMAN  FLATS,  August  21st,  1777. 

"Dear  General: — I  leave  this  place  this  morning  with 
twelve  hundred  continental  troops  and  a  handful  of 
militia,  for  Fort  Stanwix,  which  is  still  besieged  by  a  num 
ber  equal  to  ours.  You  shall  hear  of  my  leing  victorious 
or  no  more.  As  soon  as  the  safety  of  this  part  of  the 
5 


98  ARNOLD    BEFORE    CONGRESS. 

country  will  permit,  I  will  fly  to  your  assistance.     General 
Herkimer  died  yesterday. 

"  I  am,  etc. 

"BENEDICT  ARNOLD." 

"To  GENERAL  GATES. 

"  FORT  DAYTON,  August  23d,  1777. 

"Dear  General : — I  wrote  you  on  the  21st  from  '  German 
Flats '  and  requested  you  to  send  me  a  reinforcement  of  a 
thousand  light  troops.  As  the  enemy  had  made  their 
approaches  within  two  hundred  yards  of  the  fort,  I  was 
determined  to  hazard  a  battle  rather  than  suffer  the  garri 
son  to  fall  a  sacrifice.  This  morning  I  marched  from  the 
German  Flats  for  this  place.  Here  I  have  met  with  an 
express,  with  an  enclosed  letter  from  Colonel  Gansevoort, 
acquainting  me  that  the  enemy  had  yesterday  retired  from 
Fort  Stanwix  with  precipitation.  I  shall  immediately 
detach  nine  hundred  men,  and  make  a  forced  march  in 
hopes  of  coming  up  with  their  rear  and  securing  their 
cannon  and  baggage.  I  have  sent  an  order  for  the  light 
troops,  if  you  have  sent  any,  to  return  to  you,  and  the 
militia,  to  go  home. 

<•'  I  am,  etc. 

"BENEDICT  ARNOLD." 


"  To  GENERAL  GATES. 

"  GERMAN  PLATS,  August  28th,  1777. 

"  Dear  General : — I  reached  Fort  Stanwix  on  the  24th, 
too  late  after  so  fatiguing  a  march  to  pursue  the  enemy 
that  evening.  The  next  morning  a  detachment  of  five 
hundred  followed  them,  but  a  heavy  rain  came  on  and 
obliged  them  to  retire,  except  a  small  party  who  went  as 
far  as  Oneida  Lake  arriving  just  in  time  to  see  the  last  of 
the  enemy  going  off.  There  is  nothing  to  be  feared  from 


ARNOLD    BEFORE   CONGRESS.  99 

the  enemy  in  this  quarter.     You  may  depend  upon  my 
joining  you  as  soon  as  possible. 

"I  am,  etc.,  BENEDICT  ARNOLD." 

He  makes  no  allusion  to  the  ruse  and  probably  knew 
nothing  of  it,  which  confirms  Sparks'  statement  concern 
ing  Colonel  Brooks.  But  St.  Leger's  panic  was  doubtless 
more  largely  owing  to  the  reverberation  of  Stark's  guns 
from  Bennington  five  days  before.  The  spy  took  that 
news  also,  from  the  American  into  the  British  camp, 
which  made  the  retreat  a  necessity.  Thus  victory  again 
gave  Arnold  the  slip,  resolved  never  to  fold  her  wings  on 
his  standards.  The  British  Annual  Kegister  said,  Ganse- 
voort  and  Willet  "merited  the  praise  even  of  an  enemy." 
Washington  declared,  "  it  was  Herkimer  who  first  reversed 
the  gloom  of  the  Northern  campaign."  The  hero  of  the 
Mohawk  valley  served  from  love  of  country,  not  for  re 
ward.  He  did  not  want  a  continental  command  or  money. 
He  died  soon  after  the  battle  and  Congress  decreed  him  a 
monument  ;  to  Gansevoort  they  voted  thanks  and  a  com 
mand;  to  Willet  an  elegant  sword.* — Is  it  not  competent 
in  this  centennial  recall  of  the  fathers,  that  our  histories 
and  cyclopaedias  should  purge  themselves  of  such  errors, 
by  divorcing  the  names  of  Fort  Stanwix  and  Arnold,  and 
identifying  the  real  heroes  with  their  brave  deeds. 

The  repulse  at  Fort  Stanwix  by  Herkimer  was  the  first 
great  blow  which  fell  upon  Burgoyne.  The  second  was 
more  disastrous  still ;  the  overwhelming  defeat  at  Ben 
nington,  the  most  brilliant  field  fight  of  the  war,  with 
the  exception  of  Cowpens.  Morgan  and  Stark  were  un 
doubtedly  the  great  field  executives  of  the  Revolution. 

Lamed  by  Herkimer  and  Stark,  with  their  brave  fol 
lowers,  Burgoyne  came  halting  to  the  battles  of  Saratoga, 
to  meet  his  doom  at  the  hands  of  Morgan  and  his  riflemen, 
with  the  patriot  yeomanry  of  New  York  and  New  England. 
*  Bancroft,  Vol.  IX. 


XL— 1777-1780. 
HORATIO    GATES. 

THE  northern  army  lay  encamped  nine  miles  above 
Albany,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Mohawk.  On  the 
19th  August,  1777,  General  Gates  assumed  command  and 
General  Schuyler  retired. 

Who  was  this  man  Gates  ?  English  by  birth.  All  an  thor- 
ities  agree  that  his  mother  was  housekeeper  for  the  second 
Duke  of  Leeds.  Irving  says  his  father  was  a  captain  in  the 
British  army  ;  Sargent  says  he  was  a  respectable  victualler 
of  Kensington.  That  whiff  of  unwholesome  atmosphere 
put  a  virus  into  his  blood  that  he  never  had  the  stamina 
to  throw  off,  though  transplanted  into  the  mountain  air 
of  freedom  that  nourished  Patrick  Henry,  Morgan,  Jef 
ferson,  and  Washington.  He  had  accompanied  Braddock 
upon  his  expedition  to  Fort  Duquesne,  and  was  wounded 
in  the  battle  ;  he  returned  to  England,  but,  dissatisfied 
with  his  prospects  of  promotion,  he  sold  his  commission 
in  the  British  army  and  emigrated  to  Virginia. 

Here  he  renewed  his  acquaintance  with  Washington. 
His  military  career,  through  the  war  of  Revolution,  was 
one  of  intrigue  rather  than  of  service.  His  exploits  can 
be  more  than  reckoned  on  the  fingers  of  one  hand.  In 
fact,  Saratoga  and  Oamden  include  all  that  could  be  called 
active  military  service. 

Appointed  Adjutant-General,  with  rank  of  Brigadier- 
General,  he  accompanied  Washington  to  Cambridge  in 
June  1775.  He  began  at  once  to  clamor  for  an  indepen 
dent  command.  He  was  appointed  to  Canada  the  next 


HOEATIO    GATES.  101 

year  ;  but  the  expedition  was  dead,  and  he  met  the  retreat 
ing  army  at  Crown  Point,  July  1776. 

The  only  military  event  that  marks  his  administration 
there,  was  the  building  and  afterwards  the  splintering  and 
burning  of  the  Lake  fleet  under  Arnold. 

A  few  weeks  after  that,  though  entreated  to  co-operate 
with  him,  he  left  Washington  in  his  dire  extremity  at  the 
passage  of  the  Delaware  and  hurried  on  to  Congress,  then 
sitting  at  Baltimore,  to  push  his  own  fortunes.  Again, 
in  the  spring  of  1777,  Washington  entreated  Gates  to  come 
to  his  aid,  as  he  was  doing  nothing, — but  vainly ;  he  was 
still  maneuvering  for  an  independent  command  of  the 
northern  department. 

He  succeeded,  and  jostled  the  old  patriot  Schuyler  from 
his  post.  Schuyler  appealed  personally  to  Congress  and 
was  re-instated.  But  after  the  fall  of  Ticonderoga,  July  5th, 
1777,  Gates,  with  the  New  England  influence,  directed  the 
odium  of  the  disaster  upon  Schuyler,  and  Congress  again 
superseded  him.  On  August  19th,  immediately  following 
the  important  victories  of  Stanwix  and  Bennington,  Gates 
took  command  of  an  army  ably  officered  and  largely  out 
numbering  the  British  forces. 

Here  he  assumes  the  role  of  the  conquering  hero  and 
crowns  his  own  brows  with  stolen  laurels. 

After  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne,  Congress  makes  him 
President  of  the  Board  of  War,  thus  virtually  putting 
Washington — in  eclipse  at  Valley  Forge — at  his  mercy. 
Gates  is  now  emboldened  to  the  infamous  work  of  the 
"  cabal,"  which  had  some  strong  supporters  in  Congress. 
Great  efforts  were  made  by  the  conspirators  to  win  over 
Patrick  Henry,  then  Governor  of  Virginia,  and  Laurens, 
President  of  Congress.  But  their  proposals  were  met 
with  disdain — the  people  and  the  army  stood  loyally  to 
the  "  chief"  ;  Congress  had  salt  enough  to  save  it,  and  the 
"  cabal"  returned  to  plague  its  inventors. 


1U5J  IIOKATIO   (JATKH. 

The  same  fate  befell  a  projected  (expedition  to  Canada, 
proposed  by  Oaten  at  this  time,  without  consulting  Wash 
ington,  and  to  the  command  of  \\hich  he  appointed  La 
I'ayottc,  with  a  hope  of  drawing  him  away  from  his  alle 
giance  to  Washington.  So  unmitigated  a  failure  resulted 
in  Congress  directing  Oaten  to  undertake  nothing  further 
without  previously  consulting  the  commander- in-chief, 
who  stood  now  higher  than  c\er  in  nil  estimations.  I  , 
l('ayotto  writes  to  his  beloved  friend  in  an  exquisitely 
charming  manner : 

"  KI.ICMINUTON,  I'Vbnwry  I),  1778. 

".)///  l>ear  d'eneral  : — I  cannot  let  my  guide  go 
without  taking  this  opportunity  of  writing  to  your  lv\- 
cclloncv,  though  I  had  not  yet  public  business  to  speak  of. 
I  go  on  very  slowly,  sometimes  drenched  by  rain,  some 
times  covered  bv  snow,  and  not  entertaining  many  hand 
some  thoughts  about  >)><•  projected  incursion  into  Canada. 

If  successes  were  to  be  had,  it  would  surprise  me  in  a 
most,  agreeable  manner.  Like  Champlain  in  too  cold  for 
producing  the  least  bit,  of  laurel,  and  if  I  nm  not  starved, 
1  shall  In-  as  proud  as  if  I  had  gained  three  buttles. 

"  Mr.  Ducr  had  given  to  me  a  rende/vous  at  a  tavern, 
but  nobody  was  to  be  found  there.  1  fancy  he  will  be  with 
Mr.  Con  way  sooner  than  ho  told  me.  They  will  perhaps 
coHf/itflr  (Canada  before  tny  arrival,  and  1  expect  to  meet 
them  at,  the  governor's  house  in  Quebec. 

Could  1  believe,  for  one  single  instant,  that  this  pompous 
command  of  a  northern  army  will  let  your  Excellency  for 
get  a  little  your  absent  friend,  1  would  send  the  project  to 
the  plaoo  it  comes  from.  It  is  a  very  melancholy  idea  for 
me  that,  I  cannot  follow  your  fortunes  as  near  your  person 
as  I  could  wish  ;  but  my  heart  will  take  very  sincerely  its 
part  of  everything  which  can  happen  to  you,  and  I  am 
already  thinking  of  the  agreeable  moment  when  I  may 
come  down  to  assure  your  Excellency  of  the  most  tender 
silTecfion  and  highest  respect." 


inil 

\  ...,,„.  .....I.  ••  data  "'  M.»-  I-  '  •  i  •  • 


I  HIU  wry  wwnlbln  <>!'  lh»» 
whloh  Men  til  «liwi|mU*  wy  ftwn  whwit  (hut  ruthwfatt* 
(hutnli<tn  wjwiititiH,  At  the  preaent  time,  wn  know 
which  WIM  the  uim  «•!'  tlu<  'llouowhU*  Htmiul,'  uutl  !!<.r 
wliloh  priijtH't  tluvH  or  four  iiittn  huvu  rualitul  llu»  nuuiitry 
iuio  ii.  grt^t  ^xjH'UMts  und  ritiktul  tlw  n<puiu!it»u  or  our 
tti'iim  iwul  tlu»  llfo  of  nmuy  Iwwlwl  jnun,  liml  tlio  g^nnml 
(your  lUnwIvtMl  fritaul),  l^t<n  ua  ruwh  »ui«l  f«M»litili  UH  tlitiy 
nwm  («»  l»uvt<  oxpwtwl,  o,  Amerieau  fivwlcim  !  whut 
i.  .HI  htu'omt*  of  you,  it1  you  M-IV  in  «uoh  hiuulu  1*  llnwt»v«r, 
you  know  I  IUIVB  wrotn  to  dougrt^,  iuul  M.H  BOIUI  iw  thtiir 
Untvo  will  cuuius  I  wliwll  lei  Con  way  luivo  fchepomman^  "!' 
(Juw  I'nw  rogini^utM,  Mini  I  nlwll  innutnlmJHly  join  my 
i'MH|H)dtulilo  fi-itnul,  My  only  ilnwira  in  to  join  you,  HIM!  Hi" 
only  fuvor  I  haveftiked  of  your  oowwWouw*  in  Fmiu»a 
luiti  Inutn,  not.  to  liti  inuitir  uuy  orilttrid  but  tlnww  of  (hwuml 


"  Will*  thti  utuioHt  ivMjwot  wiul 

"   [    I,   i     •      MM      IM.M..I     tO 


Afttn1  this  Qiit^H  ociunjilwi  H.  pout  on  t!u»  llmlnon,  Itui.  ilm 
tUUuif  wiu'Ulil  not  mu»h  it,  In  1770,  he  obtiiinnd  ln»i.ve 
of  alburn  HIM!  wont  homo  to  Virgiuiit  to  look  itflur  hid 
t*  ulTitirw.  In  .luiitt,  I7HO,  he  WHN  oi'dtimi  hy  Oou- 
to  tiike  tin*  tuuninitnd  of  tlio  Nouthuru 
ovmTuu  hyt  uud  in  pogiesslon  of  •  UI 
I,  wdiit  to  Oamdefl  Augi^t  r/HO,  mul  tli*-iv, 
to  ii  iJ  in  own  i.  ..if  i.  <',,,,.  i,  ,,  pi  i<  i  it,,  i.  ,,  i.i.i.  of 
hw  gota  hiti  quietus, 

»l,  II, 


XII.— 1777. 
THE  BATTLE   OF   THE  COLONELS. 


"A  century  before  Burgoyne's  campaign,  Fronteuac,  ablest  of  French  colonial 
commanders,  had  proposed  to  move  against  the  colony  of  New  York  by  the  same 
route  followed  by  Burgoyne  in  1777.  France  saw  that  upon  that  very  theatre  of 
war  where  Britain  had  wrested  from  her  the  control  of  this  continent,  her  ancient 
enemy  had  been  beaten  by  the  new  power  which  was  springing  up  into  existence. 
To  the  French  government  this  victory  had  a  significance  that  no  like  victory 
could  have  had  upon  other  fields." 


T  ITTLE  thought  the  brave  spirits  that  marched  out  on 
J j  that  19th  of  September,  1777,  to  arrest  the  ad 
vance  of  Burgoyne's  army,  that  that  battle,  with  the  final 
one  so  soon  to  follow,  were  to  be  remembered  among  the 
great,  decisive  battles  of  the  ages  :  with  Marathon,  Metau- 
rus,  Tours,  Orleans,  Liitzen,  and  AVaterloo.  "  They  builded 
better  than  they  knew."  It  was  the  turning  tide  that  was 
to  lead  on  to  victory,  securing  a  vast  continent  doAvered 
with  every  physical  essential  of  a  great  nation  ;  immeasur 
able  areas  of  virgin  soil,  grand  forests,  matchless  rivers 
and  lakes,  and  countless  harbors,  vast  coal  fields  and  in 
exhaustible  mountain  storehouses  of  metallic  wealth, — a 
magnificent  theatre  for  the  fifth  act  of  the  great  drama  of 
the  race. 

"  Westward  the  course  of  empire  takes  its  way  ; 

The  first  four  acts  already  past, 
A  fifth  shall  close  the  drama  with  the  day, — 
Time's  noblest  offspring  is  its  last." 

Up  out  of  this  ponderous  natural  foundation. was  to  rise 
a  political  fabric,  resting  on  its  stately  pillars  ol  liberty 


THE    BATTLE    OF   THE    COLONELS.  105 

and  law,  which  should  environ  and  defend  a  social  system 
recognizing  the  equal  brotherhood  of  man,  and,  discard 
ing  hereditary  privileges,  secure  absolute  intellectual  free 
dom,  and,  in  things  spiritual,  absolute  tolerance  of  every 
thing  but  intolerance.  The  world  was  to  see,  for  the  first 
time,  a  government  attempted  to  be  administered  according 
to  the  tenets  of  the  New  Testament. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  had  fallen  like  a 
thunderbolt  out  of  the  clear  heavens  upon  the  rotten  sys 
tems  of  the  old  world — a  word  of  final  doom  to  them,  but 
to  the  peoples  a  word  of  eternal  hope.  A  nation  "  born 
in  a  day  "  was  to  illustrate  it  before  the  race. 

The  old  spirit  stirred,  and  tyrants  whispered  :  "  If  we 
let  it  thus  alone  all  men  will  believe  it,  and  what  shall 
become  of  our  place  and  nation  "  ?  It  was  a  stone  of 
stumbling,  a  rock  of  offence — whosoever  should  fall  upon 
it  should  be  broken,  and  upon  whomsoever  it  should  fall, 
it  would  grind  him  to  powder. 

One  thing  only  lent  it  grace  to  the  eyes  of  the  European 
governments.  The  loss  of  her  colonies  would  effectually 
cripple  England,  now  grown  so  powerful  and  arrogant 
that  all  envied  and  hated  her.  And  they  looked  on  anx 
iously  watching  for  the  outcome  of  her  proud  efforts  to 
crush  the  young  giant  in  its  cradle.  Especially  did  they 
watch  the  fate  of  this  expedition  of  Burgoyne  into  the 
very  heart  of  the  colonies.  France  and  Spain  waited 
only  for  its  discomfiture,  to  arm  against  England,  and 
thus  secure  the  independence  of  the  new  transatlantic 
power. 

Had  the  shock  of  battle  resulted  only  in  checking 
Burgoyne's  progress — had  he  safely  effected  his  retreat 
to  the  Lakes,  it  would  not  have  sufficed  to  assure  Europe 
of  the  final  triumph  of  American  arms.  The  attempt 
would  undoubtedly  have  been  repeated ;  but  the  total 
defeat,  rout,  and  capture  of  this  splendid  army,  in  fair  and 
open  field  fight,  after  such  fashion  as  compelled  the  ad- 


10G  THE    BATTLE    OF   THE    COLONELS. 

miration  of  even  their  enemies,  closed  all  controversy; 
they  no  longer  hesitated  to  espouse  the  cause  of  a  people 
who  had  proved  themselves  so  strong  in  self-defence. 

The  reverses  of  the  British  arms  were  as  sudden  as  they 
were  disastrous.  But  two  months  before,,  the  English 
court  and  ministry  were  intoxicated  with  the  brilliant 
successes  of  the  expedition.  Worst  of  all,  they  were  them 
selves  intoxicated  with  their  own  achievements,  and  could 
not  sufficiently  express  their  contempt  of  their  provincial 
foes. 

From  Canada  to  Ticonderoga,  had  been  a  swift  pro 
cession  of  easy  victories  ;  the  Lakes  and  fortresses,  keys  of 
the  North,  were  in  their  hands. 

They  had  reached  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  not  far 
from  Albany,  object  so  long  desired  ;  they  imagined 
that  their  toils  were  over,  and  anticipated  an  easy  and 
agreeable  descent  to  New  York.  So  confident  were  they, 
that  the  Baroness  Reidesel,  Lady  Acland,  and  other 
officers'  wives,  did  not  hesitate  to  accompany  their  hus 
bands.  The  army  was  a  picked  one ;  the  finest  military 
organizations  of  England  and  the  continent  had  contrib 
uted  their  ablest  fighting  material ;  its  equipment,  from 
the  best  arsenals  of  Europe,  left  nothing  to  be  desired. 
There  was  no  question  of  the  personal  bravery  of  Bur- 
goyne — of  this  he  had  made  proof  in  his  late  campaigns 
in  Portugal — but  judgment  is  an  element  as  essential  as 
courage,  for  high  generalship,  and  this  he  lacked. 

His  forces  were  half  English  and  half  German.  The 
German  officers  Reidesel,  Breyman,  Baum,  Specht,  and 
Gall  had  proved  their  skill  and  courage  beyond  cavil.  He 
was  most  ably  supported  by  his  English  officers,  Sir  John 
Dyke  Acland,  Sir  Francis  Dlarke,  the  Earl  Balcarras, 
Generals  Phillips  and  Hamilton,  Captains  Williams  and 
Jones  of  the  artillery,  and  notably  by  General  Frazer,  at 
once  the  charm  and  inspiration  of  the  British  army.  He 
it  was  who,  on  that  fatal  night  assault  of  Montgomery 


THE    BATTLE    OF   THE    COLONELS.  107 

upon  Quebec,  going  his  midnight-rounds,  had  with  his 
eagle  eye  perceived  the  fuses,  the  American  signals  of 
attack,  and  without  waiting  further  orders,  caused  the 
drums  to  beat  the  garrison  to  arms  ;*  he  who  further  on 
at  Trois  Kivieres,  had  defeated  Thompson  and  confounded 
Sullivan  ;  foremost  in  the  late  attack  upon  Ticonderoga, 
he  had  afterward  chased  the  retreating  army  of  St.  Clair, 
and  with  Eeidesel,  harried  and  captured  many,  destroying 
baggage  and  arms. 

He  came  now,  at  last,  to  meet  his  doom  at  the  hands 
of  "  a  foeman  worthy  of  his  steel,"  a  foeman  "thrice 
armed"  because  he  had  "his  quarrel  just." 

Frazer  with  Tarleton  were  the  only  British  officers, 
throughout  the  whole  war,  who  showed  military  genius. 
These  two  undoubtedly  possessed  it.  Both  were  out- 
generalled  and  put  to  shame  by  Daniel  Morgan. 

This  man  Frazer,  the  Highlander,  fought  under  the 
spur  of  a  powerful  motive.  A  scion  of  the  house  of 
Lovatt,  which  had  embraced  the  cause  of  the  last  Stuart 
Pretender,  and  whose  fortunes  went  down  with  that 
dynasty  on  the  field  of  Culloden  1745.  This  gifted  and 
ambitious  descendant  entered  the  British  army,  and  rose 
rapidly  to  distinction.  He  had  obtained  the  rank  of 
Brigadier  General,  and  was  specially  selected  to  command 
a  division  of  Burgoyne's  army.  He  had  also  received 
assurance  that  the  successful  issue  of  the  expedition  would 
avail  to  revoke  the  attaint  still  cleaving  to  his  house,  and 
restore  its  honors  and  estates.  True  to  the  traditions  of 
his  ancestry,  he  girded  on  his  sword  and  went  forth  to 
battle  against  the  rights  of  humanity. 

But  from  out  the  forest  of  the  New  "World  came  tho 
fearless  spirit  appointed  to  arrest  and  end  his  brilliant 
career.  No  scion  he,  of  an  illustrious  house.  Though 
only  a  century  ago,  we  know  as  little  of  his  ancestry  as  of 
that  of  the  prophet  of  Horeb,  far  off  in  the  misty  dawn. 
*  Botta's  Hist.  American  Revolution. 


108  THE   BATTLE   OF  THE   COLOXELS. 

Enough  !  he  was  son  of  God,  who  is  able  to  raise  up  his 
children  from  the  stones. 

It  was  meet  that  a  representative  of  the  new  dispensa 
tion  of  manhood  should  shiver  the  lance  of  this  "  belted 
knight  "of  man's  making.  Morgan  was  a  splendid  pre 
sentiment  of  the  new  order  of  noblemen — of  the  "mill 
boys"  and  "rail  splitters"  of  the  young  Eepublic. 

Burgoyne's  forces  by  various  estimates  approximated 
eight  thousand,, — about  four  thousand  British,  three  thou 
sand  Germans  and  a  thousand  Canadian  loyalists  and  In 
dians.  He  had  left  a  thousand  to  garrison  Ticonderoga — 
a  too  heavy  drain ;  his  lack  of  judgment  was  now  shown 
in  sending  off  his  heavy  Brunswick  mercenaries  under 
Baum,  to  be  surrounded  and  bayoneted  by  Stark's  lightly 
equipped  yeomanry,  brimful  of  enthusiasm  and  patriotism, 
by  which  he  suffered  a  loss  of  nearly  two  hundred  killed 
and  four  hundred  prisoners.  Burgoyne's  army  decreased 
daily  ;  the  American  camp  was  reinforced  daily.  Bur 
goyne's  army  was  a  splendid  machine  ;  the  American  army 
was  a  living,  breathing,  burning  soul,  moving  like  Ezekiel's 
wheels,  by  the  spirit  of  the  living  creature. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  campaign  early  in  May, 
until  the  middle  of  August,  the  British  had  met  no  adver 
sary  who  had  in  the  least  intimidated  them  ;  and  even 
now,  notwithstanding  the  rebuke  of  Herkimer  and  the 
disaster  of  Bennington,  Burgoyne  injudiciously  ventured, 
September  13th,  to  cross  the  Hudson  on  a  bridge  of  boats, 
with  his  splendid  train  of  artillery,  thus  compromising 
his  chances  of  retreat  should  it  become  necessary.  He 
encamped  on  the  heights  of  Saratoga  on  the  banks  of 
the  Hudson,  near  where  it  receives  the  waters  of  the 
Mohawk. 

On  the  8th  of  September  Gates' army  left  their  encamp 
ment  at  "  Sunset,"  and  on  the  12th  occupied  "  Behmus 
Heights,"  which  were  at  once  strongly  fortified,  under  the 
direction  of  Kosciusko.  But  a  few  miles  now  intervened 


THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  COLONELS.          109 

between  the  opposing  armies.  Washington,  when  he  dis 
patched  Colonel  Morgan  to  Gates' assistance,  said:  "A 
check  given  to  the  savages  and  keeping  them  within 
bounds,  will  prevent  General  Burgoyne  from  getting 
intelligence."  It  proved  so.  Morgan  was  kept  far  in 
advance  of  the  army,  watching  the  movements  of  the 
enemy,  "with  the  liberty  of  attacking  whenever  he  judged 
prudent."  * 

His  presence  had  inspired  so  wholesome  a  terror  among 
the  Canadians  and  Indians  that  they  were  deserting  by 
hundreds,  while  the  British  regulars  could  not  show 
themselves  beyond  their  camp,  without  provoking  a 
shower  of  rifle -balls.  Burgoyne  remained  in  painful 
ignorance  throughout  the  remainder  of  his  campaign  of 
the  numbers,  position,  and  movements  of  the  Americans, 
while  his  own  were  well  understood  by  his  enemy. 

The  Baroness  Reidesel,  in  her  interesting  notes  of  this 
campaign,  naively  writes  :  "  The  Americans  anticipate  all 
our  movements  and  expect  us  whenever  we  arrive ;  this,  of 
course,  injures  our  affairs." 

On  the  morning  of  the  19th,  Bnrgoyne  put  his  army  in 
motion  in  three  columns,  a  half  mile  apart.  The  right 
led  by  Frazer,  the  centre  by  himself,  and  the  left  marched 
by  the  river  road  under  Reidesel. 

Morgan  was  ordered  forward  to  develop  their  intentions. 
Two  companies  under  Major  Morris  were  sent  ahead,  and 
Morgan  followed  with  the  main  body  of  his  corps.  He  was 
always  watchful  of  the  rear,  "  to  see  that  every  man  did 
his  duty,  and  that  cowards  did  not  lag  behind  while  brave 
men  fought  in  front."  Morris,  a  most  spirited  officer, 
however,  pushed  on  too  rapidly,  and  came  suddenly  upon 
a  strong  picket  of  the  enemy,  occupying  a  log-house  ; 
he  announced  himself  by  a  volley  of  rifle-balls,  but  the 
enemy  replied  from  their  covert  with  so  brisk  a  fire  that 
the  Americans  quickly  fell  back  toward  their  main  column, 
*  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan,  p.  142. 


110  THE    BATTLE    OF    THE    COLONELS. 

leaving  several  killed  and  wounded,  and  even  thought  it 
necessary  to  disperse.  Morgan's  prudence  equalled  his  cour 
age  ;  he  was  never  rash  until  the  fulness  of  time,  then  noth 
ing  could  exceed  the  fierceness  and  impetuosity  of  his  as 
sault.  Coming  up  at  this  instant,  he  fully  realized  the  grav 
ity  of  the  situation.  "  But  to  retreat  or  advance,  to  flee  or 
pursue,  to  disperse  or  collect,  were  the  tactics  of  this  cele 
brated  corps."  Morgan's  signal  was  an  instrument  made 
from  a  turkey-bone  for  decoying  wild  turkey.  In  a  few  mo 
ments  the  dispersed  column  gathered  to  their  leader,  and  the 
whole  regiment  advanced  upon  a  large  body  of  the  enemy. 
Morgan  attacked  with  such  vigor  that  the  British  fell  back 
to  an  eminence  fronting  an  open  piece  of  ground  called 
Freeman's  Fields.  The  wrestle  was  for  the  possession  of 
this  cleared  ground.  Burgoyne's  centre  column  being  re 
inforced,  the  struggle  was  fierce  and  bloody ;  Frazer  with 
his  right  wing  now  wheeled  and  dashed  his  column  against 
Morgan,  who  was  forced  to  give  ground  and  take  his  corps 
to  the  shelter  of  the  woods.  Gates,  however,  hearing 
of  the  extent  of  the  action,  had  dispatched  the  regiments 
of  Colonels  Scammell  and  Cilley.  They  took  the  left 
of  the  rifle  corps,  and  finding  himself  secure  on  the  right 
by  impenetrable  thickets  and  a  marshy  ravine,  Morgan 
again  advanced  and  renewed  the  action  with  redoubled  fury. 

The  iron  hail  of  six  hundred  marksmen  forced  back 
both  columns  of  the  British  army,  leaving  the  ground 
covered  with  dead  and  wounded,  and  their  artillery.  This, 
however,  the  Americans  could  neither  bring  off,  by  reason 
of  the  nature  of  the  ground,  nor  turn  against  the  enemy, 
because  they  had  taken  away  the  lintstocks.  The  British 
quickly  rallied  and  came  down  again.  By  this  time  Gates 
had  reinforced  Morgan  with  five  additional  regiments,  who 
were  now  opposed  to  the  combined  forces  of  Frazer  and 
Burgoyne. 

The  Americans  numbered  two  thousand  five  hundred  ; 
the  British  about  three  thousand,  with  artillery,  of  which 


THE    BATTLE    OF    THE    COLONELS.  Ill 

the  Americans  bad  none.  The  battle  raged  along  the 
whole  line  for  more  than  an  hour  ;  but  the  hottest  was  at 
the  American  right,  where  Morgan  opposed  Frazer.  Again 
and  again  he  had  driven  the  British  back  upon  the  emi 
nence  beyond  the  clearing.  Their  cannon  were  become 
almost  useless,  for  their  artillerists  had  all  been  picked  olf. 
Morgan  now  made  the  most  desperate  effort  to  charge 
up  the  eminence,  drive  them  over  the  hill,  and  turn  their 
left  flank.  But  here  Greek  met  Greek,  and  Morgan  was 
sensible  of  &  point  de  resistance  which  he  could  not  over 
come.  So  they  swayed  back  and  forward,  alternately  giv 
ing  and  taking,  and  the  British,  amid  the  heaps  of  their 
dead  and  wounded,  at  last  began  to  show  signs  of  yielding, 
when  Eeidesel,  pushing  through  the  woods,  brought  his 
column  to  the  timely  rescue  of  his  general,  and  saved  the 
army  from  a  rout.  Frazer  and  Breyman  were  now  eager 
for  a  bayonet  charge  with  their  fresh  troops,  which  would 
have  inevitably  turned  the  fortunes  of  the  day ;  but  Bur- 
goyne  ordered  a  retreat.  His  officers  were  chagrined,  and 
Frazer  and  Eeidesel  told  him  plainly  that  he  did  not 
know  how  to  avail  himself  of  his  advantages. 

General  Learned,  with  his  brigade,  at  sunset  came  upon 
the  field ;  but  the  fire  had  slackened  and  the  battle  was 
done.  The  Americans  returned  to  their  camp,  taking 
their  wounded  and  one  hundred  prisoners.  The  British 
bivouacked  on  the  battle-field,  and  claimed  the  victory — a 
claim  which  could  scarcely  be  sustained.  The  American 
loss  was  slightly  over  three  hundred  killed  and  wounded, 
while  that  of  the  British  exceeded  six  hundred,  besides  a 
heavy  desertion  of  Canadians  and  Indians  after  the  battle. 

Also  it  was  the  purpose  and  necessity  of  the  British  to 
advance,  and  the  object  of  the  Americans  to  prevent  their 
advance.  This  was  fully  accomplished.  Furthermore, 
both  Frazer  and  Eeidesel,  officers  of  great  judgment  as  well 
as  bravery,  now  counseled  Burgoyne  to  a  speedy  retreat 
across  the  Hudson.  They  knew  that  another  such  victory 


112  THE    BATTLE    OF    THE    COLONELS. 

would  be  their  ruin,  and  had  no  wish  for  a  second  tilt 
with  these  American  colonels. 

The  day  after  the  battle,  one  of  the  rifle  corps  brought 
down  an  Indian,  and  found  in  his  shot-pouch  a  letter  from 
Burgoyne  to  General  Powell. 

"CAMP  NEAR  STILL  WATER,  September  20, 1777. 
"Dear  Sir  : — I  take  the  first  opportunity  to  inform  you 
that  we  have  had  a  very  smart  and  honorable  action,  and 
are  now  encamped  in  front  of  the  field,  which  must  de 
monstrate  our  victory  beyond  the  power  of  an  American 
news- writer  to  explain  away.  The  loss  on  each  side  cannot 
be  particularly  ascertained. 

"  Your  obedient  servant,  J.   BURGOYNE." 

General  Gates  dispatched  the  following  to  Hon.  J.  Han 
cock,  President  of  Congress  : 

"  BEHMIS  HEIGUTS,  September  22,  1777. 

"  Friday  I  was  informed  by  my  reconnoitering  parties 
that  the  enemy  were  moving  toward  our  left.  I  immediately 
detached  Colonel  Morgan's  corps,  consisting  of  the  rifle 
regiment  and  the  light  infantry  of  the  army,  to  observe 
their  direction  and  harass  their  advance.  This  party,  at 
half-past  twelve,  fell  in  with  a  picket  of  the  enemy,  which 
they  immediately  drove  ;  but  the  enemy  being  reinforced, 
after  a  brisk  conflict,  they  were  in  turn  obliged  to  retire. 

"  This  skirmish  drew  the  main  body  of  the  enemy,  and 
a  brigade  from  my  left,  to  support  the  action  which,  after 
a  short  cessation,  was  renewed  with  great  warmth  and 
violence.  At  this  time,  hearing  from  prisoners  that  the 
whole  British  force  and  a  division  of  foreigners  had  en 
gaged  our  party,  I  reinforced  with  four  more  regiments. 
This  continued  the  action  till  the  close  of  the  day,  when 
both  armies  retired  from  the  field. 

"Enclosed  is  a  return  of  our  loss,  and  I  am  well  assured, 


THE    BATTLE    OF    THE    COLONELS.  113 

by  the  concurrent  testimony  of  prisoners  and  deserters  of 
various  characters,  that  General  Burgoyne,  who  com 
manded  in  person,  received  a  wound  in  his  left  shoulder  ; 
that  the  sixty- second  regiment  was  cut  to  pieces,  and 
that  the  enemy  suffered  severely  in  every  quarter  where 
they  were  engaged.  The  general  good  behavior  of  the 
troops,  on  this  important  occasion,  cannot  be  surpassed  by 
the  most  veteran  army  :  to  discriminate  in  praise  of  the 
officers  would  be  injustice,  as  they  all  deserved  the  honor 
and  applause  of  Congress.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Colburn 
and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Adams,  with  the  rest  of  the  un 
fortunate  brave  who  fell  in  their  country's  cause,  leave  a 
lasting  memorial  to  their  glory.  The  armies  remain  en 
camped  within  two  miles  of  each  other."  * 

Very  adroitly  put,  certainly.  Only  the  harmless  dead 
men  have  mention  ;  not  a  word  for  the  living  Morgan, 
whom,  a  few  days  after,  he  excuses  himself  from  sending 
back  to  Washington,  with  the  plea,  "  in  this  situation 
your  Excellency  would  not  wish  me  to  part  with  the  corps 
the  army  of  General  Burgoyne  is  most  afraid  of." 


"  Morgan's  corps  bore  the  brunt  of  the  day's  perils,  and 
should  reap  the  greater  share  of  its  glories.  The  sixty- 
second  regiment  of  Hamilton's  brigade,  against  which 
his  regiment  contended,  lost  nearly  two  hundred  men,  and 
of  the  forty-eight  who  composed  the  artillery  corps,  and 
were  likewise  arrayed  against  him,  but  twelve  left  the  field 
uninjured.  During  one  of  the  most  obstinately  contested 
actions  of  the  war,  in  which  nearly  seven  thousand  men 
were  engaged,  not  a  single  officer,  above  the  rank  of  a 
colonel,  appeared  upon  the  field  until  night  began  to  close 
upon  the  combatants,  when  General  Learned  arrived. 
Arnold  never  appeared  upon  the  ground.  General  Wil- 

*  Copied  from  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan,  p.  152. 


114  THE   BATTLE    OF    THE    COLONELS. 

kinson  states  that  he  was  expressly  forbidden  by  Gates  to 
visit  the  field  or  direct  operations.  The  credit  of  this 
glorious  action,  so  generally  accorded  either  to  Arnold  or 
Gates,  properly  belongs  to  neither.  It  should  go  to  enrich 
the  memory  of  those  gallant  men  who,  unassisted  by  the 
directing  hand  of  either  of  their  commanders,  fought  the 
battle  and  won  the  day.  Historic  truth  requires  this  ex 
planation,  and  public  justice  will  give  the  laurels  to  those 
who  won  them. 

"  Among  this  glorious  band  of  heroes,  it  is  no  injustice 
to  assert  that  Morgan  was  pre-eminently  distinguished. 
His  regiment  was  first  in  the  field  and  last  out  of  it. 
Where  it  was  engaged,  the  strife  was  more  deadly  than  in 
any  other  position.  Its  loss  was  greater,  in  proportion  to 
its  numbers,  than  that  of  any  other  regiment,  while  the 
number  of  the  enemy  which  fell  by  its  hands,  was  nearly 
one-half  of  that  admitted  by  Burgoyne  to  have  fallen  in 
the  battle.  Though  Morgan  was  denied  the  merited  men 
tion  in  Gates'  communication  to  Congress,  justice  claims 
for  him  the  foremost  position  among  those  who  shared  the 
glories  of  that  day.  Posterity  will  freely  accord  him  this, 
and  hail  him,  as  did  his  friends  and  neighbors  on  his  re 
turn  home  a  few  months  after,  as  '  the  hero  of  Saratoga,' 

"The  news  of  this  victory  was  received  with  great 
demonstrations  of  joy  throughout  the  country,  and  Gates 
and  Arnold  reaped  a  rich  harvest  of  undeserved  honors 
and  applause."  * 

Bancroft  says  :  "  On  the  British  side,  three  major-gen 
erals  came  on  tbe  field;  on  the  American  side,  not  one,  nor 
a  brigadier,  until  near  its  close.  Praise  justly  fell  upon 
Morgan  of  Virginia  and  Scammel  of  New  Hampshire; 
none  offered  their  lives  more  freely  than  the  Continental 
regiment  of  Cilley  and  the  Connecticut  militia  of  Cook. 
The  American  loss,  including  the  wounded  and  missing, 
was  less  than  three  hundred  and  twenty.  This  battle 
*  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan,  p.  151. 


THE    BATTLE    OF   THE   COLONELS.  115 

crippled  the  British  force  irretrievably.  Their  loss  exceeded 
six  hundred.  Of  the  sixty-second  regiment  (handled  by 
Morgan's  corps),  which  left  Canada  five  hundred  strong, 
there  remained  less  than  sixty  men  and  four  or  five  officers. 
A  rifle-shot  meant  for  Burgoyne  struck  an  officer  at  his 
side."* 

Sparks,  in  his  Life  of  Arnold,  says  :  "  That  officer  was  nei 
ther  ordered  out,  nor  permitted  to  go  out,  to  take  any  part 
in  the  action."  Hildreth  makes  no  mention  of  him  in  the 
first  battle,  and  Arnold's  own  letters  confirm  his  absence. 

Yet  the  error  moves  on,  and  to  this  day  Gates  and 
Arnold  wear  their  unearned  honors. 

One  is  pained  to  find  that  in  that  very  handsome  contri 
bution  to  recent  historic  literature,  "  Fifteen  Decisive 
Battles  of  the  World,"  so  eminent  an  English  scholar  as 
Professor  Creasy,  falls  into  the  samo  error  by  following  the 
Italian  historian  "  Botta,"  whose  history,  though  in  many 
respects  a  very  noble  statement  of  our  Revolutionary 
period,  was  yet  written  too  near  the  date  of  the  events 
described.  The  smoke  of  the  battle-field  had  not  suffi 
ciently  cleared  away  to  disclose  the  true  role  of  the  actors. 
To  give  the  glory  of  this  battle  to  Gates  or  Arnold,  would 
not  be  a  greater  error  than  to  ascribe  the  honor  of  Metau- 
rus  to  Livius  rather  than  to  Nero. 

More  mournful  still  it  is  to  read  in  the  centennial  year 
of  grace  1877,  in  one  of  our  foremost  monthlies,  in  an 
article  dedicated  to  the  memory  of  this  most  important 
military  event  :  "By  four  o'clock,  the  action  had  become 
general ;  Arnold,  with  nine  continental  regiments  and 
Morgan's  corps,  had  completely  engaged  the  whole  force 
of  Burgoyne  and  Frazer ;"  and  most  mournful  of  all,  to 
find  that  the  orators  of  the  late  centennial  celebration 
(1877)  on  the  battle-field — we  believe  without  exception- 
make  Arnold  the  "hero  of  Saratoga." 

Arnold  was  absent  by  express  command  of  Gates,  who 
*  Vol.  IX,  p.  413. 


116  THE   BATTLE   OF  THE   COLONELS. 

wanted  no  rivals.     He  had  realized  his  long  ambition  of 

o 

independent  command ;  but  it  was  to  be  only  a  stepping- 
stone  to  a  higher  place.  The  conspiracy  against  Washing 
ton  was  maturing  in  his  mind.  He  meant  to  jostle  him 
from  his  post  as  he  had  done  Schuyler.  A  year  ago,  we 
eaw  him  baffling  justice  to  shield  Arnold,  of  whose  service 
he  then  stood  in  need  ;  but  now  having  Morgan,  to  whose 
skill  he  safely  confided  his  reputation,  he  had  no  need  of 
Arnold,  and  obviously  wished  to  keep  him  in  eclipse. 
Arnold  was  at  this  time  Gates'  equal  in  military  rank,  and 
had  won  a  reputation  far  more  brilliant.  Both  were 
thoroughly  selfish  and  alike  intent  upon  pushing  each  his 
own  fortunes.  They  were  equally  wanting  in  magnan 
imity.  Arnold  had  more  will,  energy  and  impetus ;  a 
more  incredible  audacity,  and  was  utterly  without  scruple 
or  conscience.  His  chief  hope  being  the  patronage  of 
Washington,  Gates  knew  he  had  no  prospect  of  drawing 
him  from  his  allegiance  to  the  Commander-in-chief.  Nei 
ther  did  Gates  share  in  the  general  enthusiasm  concerning 
Arnold's  military  ability.  Wilkinson,  Gates'  aid -de-camp, 
says,  he  forbade  him  to  go  upon  the  field  "  lest  he  should 
do  some  rash  thing."  Had  he  needed  him,  he  would 
doubtless  have  made  use  of  him. 

We  do  not  forget  that  upon  the  arrival  of  Morgan's 
corps  at  headquarters,  Gates  had  reinforced  it  with  a 
battalion  of  light  infantry,  designated  it  as  the  advance  of 
the  army,  and  directed  that  it  should  receive  orders  only 
from  himself.  After  the  action  of  the  19th,  the  returns 
were  accordingly  made  directly  to  Gates.  Arnold  was  in 
censed,  and  still  more  at  finding  that  the  report  to  Con 
gress  left  his  name  and  that  of  his  division  unmentioned, 
stating  only  that  <the  battle  had  been  fought  by  detach 
ments  from  the  army.  "Had  my  division  behaved  ill," 
said  he,  "the  other  division  of  the  army  would  have 
thought  it  extremely  hard  to  have  been  amenable  for  their 
conduct." 


THE   BATTLE   OF   THE   COLONELS.  117 

Eesolved  to  appropriate  the  prestige  of  Morgan's  corps 
to  himself,  Arnold  continued  to  issue  orders  for  their 
movements,  which  drew  from  Gates  the  following  general 
order  : 

"  Colonel  Morgan's  corps,  not  being  attached  to  any 
brigade  or  division  of  the  army,  he  is  to  make  returns  and 
reports  to  headquarters  only,  from  whence  alone  he  is  to 
receive  orders." 

A  high  altercation  now  arose  between  the  two  generals, 
during  which  Gates  informed  Arnold  "  that  he  thought 
him  of  little  consequence  in  the  army,  and  that  when 
General  Lincoln  arrived  he  should  give  to  him  the  com 
mand  of  a  division." 

A  correspondence  followed,  hot  and  wrathful  on  Arnold's 
part,  arrogant  and  unyielding  on  the  part  of  Gates.  Ar 
nold  demanded  a  pass  for  himself  and  suite  to  the  com- 
mander-in-chief.  Gates  promptly  gave  it. 

Arnold  found  he  did  not  want  it.  He  feared  the  odium 
which  would  fall  upon  him  for  retiring  from  service  at  this 
critical  juncture,  when  another  battle  was  in  hourly  ex 
pectation.  He  therefore  remained  in  camp  without  com 
mand  and  without  employment.  Lincoln  arriving  at  this 
time,  Gates  gave  him  the  right  wing,  and  himself  assumed 
charge  of  the  left.  Morgan  and  the  rifle  regiment  were  his 
special  property. 

All  the  better  for  this  falling  out  of  the  rogues  went 
matters  in  the  American  camp.  The  country  had  inter 
preted  the  battle  of  the  19th  as  a  great  victory.  The 
militia  of  New  York  and  New  England  reinforced  the 
camp  daily.  Gates'  numbers  now  nearly  doubled  those  of 
Burgoyne.  Hope  and  confidence  inspired  every  heart. 

They  smelled  the  battle  and  scented  the  victory ;  they 
stood  "like  greyhounds  in  the  slips,  straining  upon  the 
start." 


XIIL— mr. 

THE  SURRENDER. 

"  His  death  (whose  spirit  lent  a  fire 
Even  to  the  dullest  peasant  in  his  camp), 
Being  bruited  once,  took  fire  and  heat  away 
From  the  best-tempered  courage  in  his  troops  ; 
For  from  his  metal  was  his  party  steeled." 

HENKY  IV. 

IN  the  British  camp  the  hearts  of  the  keepers  trembled, 
brave  men  though  they  were.  Burgoyiie  had  aban 
doned  all  intention  of  a  further  advance  until  intelligence 
could  be  received  from  Clinton  below.  He  proceeded  to 
intrench  on  the  field  of  the  late  battle,  throwing  up  strong 
works  to  the  right,  which  he  called  the  "Great  Redoubt"; 
it  was  a  final  stronghold  and  was  placed  under  Frazer's 
command.  He  extended  his  intrenchments  leftward  to 
the  river  bank  ;  here  the  Germans  were  posted  and  Bur- 
goyne's  headquarters  were  between  and  in  the  rear.  A 
deep  ditch  ran  along  the  entire  front  for  nine  hundred 
paces. 

So  vigilant  were  the  American  marksmen  that  the 
British  remained  close  prisoners  within  their  camp  and  in 
profound  ignorance  of  our  affairs.  The  journal  of  one 
of  their  officers  says:  "We  could  hear  his  morning  and 
evening  guns,  his  drums  and  other  noises  of  his  camp, 
yet  we  knew  not  where  he  stood,  how  he  was  posted,  much 
less  how  strong  he  was  ;  a  rare  case  in  such  a  situation. " 

On  the  night  of  September  23d,  British  ears  were 
startled  with  such  shouts  of  exultation  that  they  supposed 
the  Americans  were  celebrating  some  holiday.  A  few 


THE    SURRENDER.  119 

days  after  a  released  prisoner  carried  to  them  the  news  of 
the  gallant  exploits  of  Colonel  Brown  at  Ticonderoga ; 
and  Burgoyne  was  chagrined  to  find  himself  "indebted  to 
his  enemy  in  front,  for  the  news  of  disasters  at  his  own 
posts  in  his  rear." 

It  was  the  same  Colonel  Brown  who  had  so  promptly 
met  Arnold's  unhandsome  charges  against  him,  and  after 
wards  published  a  full  account  of  that  officer's  misde 
meanors  in  Canada.  He  wrote  thus  to  Gates  : 


"LAKE  GEOKGE,  September  18th,  1777. 

'''Dear  General: — With  great  fatigue  after  marching 
all  last  night,  I  arrived  at  this  place  at  break  of  day  and 
immediately  began  the  attack,  and  in  a  few  minutes 
carried  the  place. 

"I  find  myself  in  possession  of  two  hundred  and  ninety- 
three  prisoners  exclusive  of  one  hundred  of  ours  released. 
I  have  taken  one  hundred  and  fifty  bateaux  above  the 
falls,  fifty  in  Lake  Champlain,  several  large  gun-boats,  an 
armed  sloop,  and  a  few  cannon."  *  *  *  * 

This  reverse  was  keenly  felt  in  the  British  army,  where 
affairs  grew  daily  more  distressing  and  depressing.  Their 
horses  were  starving,  the  soldiers'  rations  had  been  re 
duced  to  a  minimum,  and  they  were  heavily  encumbered 
with  their  sick  and  wounded. — The  only  ray  of  hope  came 
from  the  lower  Hudson.  A  messenger  from  Clinton  had 
made  his  way  with  great  difficulty  into  the  camp,  inform 
ing  Burgoyne  that  he  was  about  to  attack  the  forts  and 
defences  of  the  river.  Burgoyne  dispatched  the  messenger 
back  bearing  earnest  entreaties  for  Clinton's  speedy  co 
operation,  stating  that  he  could  hold  out  until  October 
10th,  but  after  that,  hunger  would  compel  him  to  retreat 
to  Lake  Champlain. 

On  the  5th  of  October  Burgoyne  called  a  council  of  war. 


120  THE    SURRENDER. 

Frazer  and  Eeidesel  urged  a  speedy  retreat  to  their  old 
position  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Hudson. 

Bat  Burgoyne's  pride  would  not  be  advised.  The  boast 
had  been  too  often  on  his  lips  "  Britons  never  retreat." 

He  recalled,  also,  that  Germain  had  censured  Carleton 
because  he  would  "hazard  nothing."  Re-reading  his  in 
structions  in  which  his  orders  were  peremptory,  and  tak 
ing  counsel  only  with  himself,  he  resolved  once  more  to 
try  the  fate  of  battle.  In  fact  it  had  become  a  choice  of 
evils,  to  either  advance  or  retreat. 

It  was  now  the  7th  of  October.  Burgoyne  strained  his 
ear  towards  the  river,  but  caught  no  sound  from  Clinton's 
army.  This  General  had  on  October  6th,  the  day  before 
the  battle,  captured  the  forts,  and  passed  the  defences  of 
the  river,  and  a  detachment  of  his  army  did  actually 
approach  within  forty  miles  of  Albany.  Fortunately,  each 
remained  in  ignorance  of  the  other's  movements. 

Burgoyne  dela}'ed  the  attack  until  three  o'clock,  so  that 
in  case  of  disaster,  night  at  least  would  come  to  their 
relief.  The  plan  of  battle  was  much  as  before  ;  they 
advanced  in  three  columns.  Frazer  with  the  infantry 
under  Balcarras  on  the  right,  the  Germans  in  the  centre, 
and  Acland's  grenadiers  on  the  left,  with  artillery  posted 
at  intervals  along  the  whole  line. 

The  rifle  corps  discovered  the  movement  and  it  was  im 
mediately  communicated  to  Gates,  who  dispatched  Wil 
kinson  to  "order  on  Morgan  to  begin  the  game,"  by 
pushing  forward  his  corps  in  front.  But  Morgan  judged 
otherwise.  Knowing  the  lay  of  the  land  to  its  minutest 
features,  and  having  informed  himself  of  the  disposition 
of  the  enemy's  forces,  he  submitted  his  own  plan  of 
attack,  which  Gates  immediately  accepted. 

General  Lincoln  was  to  watch  the  right  of  the  American 
lines,  cover  the  camp,  and  take  care  of  the  commander. 
General  Poor's  brigade  was  directed  to  advance  and  simul 
taneously  attack  the  centre  and  left  wing;  Morgan  re- 


THE   SURRENDER.  121 

served  for  himself  the  British  right  wing  under  Frazer 
and  Balcarras.  It  rested  on  a  fence,  and  beyond  on  the 
right  rose  abruptly  a  thickly  wooded  bill.  Morgan's  regi 
ment  made  a  swift  and  silent  push  np  through  these 
woods  ;- gaining  the  bill  top,  he  was  confirmed  in  bis 
judgment,  and  felt  assured  of  a  speedy  victory.  He 
quickly  put  his  troops  in  position.  Dearborn's  infantry 
were  ordered  to  incline  to  the  front,  the  riflemen  to  the 
flank  and  rear. 

The  first  fire  from  Poor's  brigade  upon  the  British  left 
was  the  appointed  signal ;  Morgan  swept  down  from  the 
hill  like  a  tornado ;  the  crack  of  six  hundred  rifles  sent 
their  messengers  of  death  into  rank  and  file,  strewing  the 
ground  with  the  dead  and  wounded.  For  a  moment  the 
column  staggered,  but  recovered.  Morgan  now  ordered 
Dearborn  to  fire  and  charge  with  the  bayonet  while  the 
rifles  reloaded.  They  charged  grandly.  In  another  mo 
ment  the  rifles  poured  in  again,  on  flanks  and  rear.  The 
British  broke  and  fled.  It  was  the  work  of  a  few  minutes. 
Frazer  who  had  been  held  in  reserve,  seeing  the  mischief, 
advanced  with  his  infantry  to  the  rescue.  "  He  met  the 
whole  wing  flying  in  disorder,  fiercely  pursued  by  Morgan 
and  his  men."  He  threw  himself  between  the  flying 
column  and  their  pursuers  and  covered  their  retreat  to  the 
rear,  where  they  rallied.  Having  pushed  back  the  British 
right,  the  tide  of  battle  now  rolled  toward  the  centre,  and 
the  whole  American  force  was  turned  upon  it.  Seeing 
the  danger,  Burgoyne  ordered  Frazer  to  the  rescue  at  that 
point. 

Morgan  had  observed  this  officer  closely.  It  was  he 
against  whom,  in  the  battle  of  the  19th,  he  had  so  des 
perately  pushed,  and  who  had  so  desperately  pushed  back 
upon  him.  He  was  the  invincible*  He  had  watched  him 
on  this  day,  a  noble-looking  officer,  mounted  upon  a 

*  This  account  of  Frazer's  death  is  mainly  from  Graham's  Life  of 
Morgan. 

G 


122  THE   SURRENDER. 

splendid  black  charger  dashing  from  one  end  of  the  line 
to  the  other,  wherever  the  danger  was  greatest,  and  by 
his  courage  and  activity  restoring  and  rallying  the  waver 
ing  columns. 

While  he  lived,  Morgan  considered  the  issue  of  the  con 
test  doubtful ;  he  therefore  sternly  resolved  to  seek  for 
victory  in  his  death.  He  selected  twelve  of  his  most  un 
erring  marksmen,  led  them  to  a  favorable  position,  pointed 
out  the  doomed  man,  and  bid  them,  when  he  next  came 
within  range,  to  fire.  The  only  remark  that  fell  from 
Morgan,  beyond  these  directions,  was:  "He  is  a  brave 
man,  but  he  must  die."  How  often  had  he  thrown  him 
self  across  the  track  of  a  righteous  cause  ?  It  was  enough 
—its  triumphant  wheels  must  this  day  roll  on  over  his 
mangled  body. 

Morgan  told  afterwards  how  attentively  and  anxiously 
he  observed  his  marksmen  when,  in  a  few  minutes,  he  saw 
them  raise  their  rifles  and  aim.  A  ball  cut  through  his 
horse's  mane  and  another  through  the  crupper.  His  aid 
implored  Frazer  to  change  his  position.  "  My  duty  for 
bids  me  to  fly  from  danger."  In  another  moment  a  rifle- 
ball  tore  through  his  body,  and  he  fell  mortally  wounded. 

With  Frazer's  fall,  fell  all ;  there  was  no  longer  a  pre 
tence  of  resisting  ;  dismay  seized  all  hearts.  The  Amer 
icans  at  this  moment,  reinforced  by  fresh  regiments, 
charged  furiously  along  the  whole  line. 

Burgoyne  ordered  a  retreat  to  the  "  Great  Redoubt/'  in 
imminent  peril  of  not  safely  effecting  even  this  ;  leaving  all 
his  cannon,  four  hundred  killed  and  wounded,  including 
the  flower  of  his  officers — Frazer,  Acland,  Williams,  Sir 
Francis  Clarke  and  others. 

But  the  victorious  army  were  at  their  heels.  Morgan 
pursued  the  defeated  right  division,  under  Balcarrus,  into 
their  intrenchments  ;  but,  checked  by  a  furious  discharge 
of  cannon,  he  sheltered  his  corps  in  a  piece  of  woods  at 
hand,  and  continued  his  murderous  fire  upon  their  artil- 


THE   SURRENDER.  123 

lerists.  The  field  battle  won,  the  Americans  now  stormed 
the  British  works.  For  an  hour  the  firing  and  fierce 
assaults  continued.  At  length  the  ardor  of  the  rifle-corps, 
no  longer  brooking  restraint,  dashed  into  the  intrenchments 
of  Balcarras  within  the  "  Great  Redoubt."  A  hand-to- 
hand  struggle  here  took  place.  The  British  light  infantry 
were  on  the  point  of  giving  way,  when  they  were  strongly 
reinforced  and  threatened  a  bayonet  charge.  Morgan,  in 
his  moments  of  highest  battle  exaltation,  never  lost  his 
presence  of  mind  or  his  prudence.  He  ordered  a  retreat. 
Meantime  the  reinforcements  drawn  off  to  strengthen  the 
right  against  Morgan,  had  weakened  the  British  centre ; 
here  Colonel  Brooks  broke  through  the  German  lines, 
and  at  this  crisis,  General  Learned  coming  up,  they  put 
the  whole  division  to  rout :  they  fled,  leaving  their  killed, 
woun ded,  tents,  baggage  and  artillery,  with  the  dead  body 
of  their  brave  General  Breyman. 

Burgoyne  ordered  the  position  to  be  retaken  ;  but  night 
was  coming  on,  or  they  had  no  heart  to  attempt  it,  and 
Colonel  Brooks  and  General  Learned  established  them 
selves  within  the  enemy's  works.  This  Colonel  Brooks 
was  he  who  had  sent  the  spy  into  St.  Leger's  camp  at 
Stanwix.  He  was  afterwards  Governor  of  Massachusetts. 

Up  to  this  time,  the  English  at  home  had  never  been 
brought  to  admit  the  fighting  qualities  of  the  Americans. 
This  illusion  was  now  to  be  dispelled.  If  these  battles  of 
Saratoga  were  the  work  of  American  colonels  and  patriot 
yeomanry  (and  who  can  disprove  it?)  they  were  on  the 
British  side  pre-eminently  the  battles  of  great  generals — 
their  bravest  and  best.  There  is,  probably,  no  other  in 
stance  of  such  splendid  leadership  in  proportion  to  the  num 
ber  of  its  rank  and  file.  General  Burgoyne,  on  his  return  to 
England,  opened  their  eyes,  in  his  "  Record  of  the  Evidence 
before  the  House  of  Commons,"  on  his  "  Campaign  and 
Surrender."  Referring  to  Morgan's  rifle-corps  driving 
picked  British  infantry  from  the  field  and  afterwards 


124  THE    SURRENDER. 

storming  the  "Great  Redoubt,"  he  observes:  "If  tliere 
be  any  person  who,  after  considering  that  circumstance, 
and  the  subsequent  obstinacy  in  the  attack  on  the  post  of 
Lord  Balcarras,  with  various  other  actions  of  the  day, 
continues  to  doubt  that  the  Americans  possess  the  quality 
and  faculty  of  fighting,  they  are  of  a  prejudice  that  it 
would  be  very  absurd  longer  to  contend  with." 

On  Burgoyne's  introduction  to  Morgan  after  the  capitu 
lation,  he  took  him  warmly  by  the  hand  and  said  :  "  Sir, 
you  command  the  finest  regiment  in  the  world."  * 


Night  closed  on  the  battered,  beaten,  out-generaled, 
discomfited  British  army.  The  American  camp  rang  with 
shouts  of  exultation ;  the  people  crowded  in  from  miles 
around  as  the  .news  of  victory  spread. 

Morgan  coming,  grimed  with  the  dust  and  sweat  of 
battle,  to  headquarters,  was  met  by  Gates,  who  embraced 
him,  exclaiming  :  "  Morgan,  you  have  done  wonders  this 
day  ;  you  have  immortalized  yourself  and  honored  your 
country — if  you  are  not  promoted  immediately,  I  will  not 
serve  another  day.".  Morgan  merely  replied:  "  For 
Heaven's  sake,  General,  forbear  this  stuff,  and  give  me 
something  to  eat  and  drink,  for  I  am  ready  to  die  with 
hunger  and  exhaustion."  f  Morgan  was  a  man  rf  mar 
vellous  penetration,  and  had  doubtless  taken  the  General's 
measure. 

Gates  had  not  appeared  on  the  field.  Wilkinson  says 
he  remained  at  his  quarters,  conversing  with  Sir  Francis 
Clarke,  who  was  brought  in,  early  in  the  action,  mortally 
wounded,  and  laid  upon  Gates'  bed. 

Where  was  Arnold  ?    Sparks  says  that  after  the  quarrel, 
he  had   remained  with   the   army,  without   authority  or 
command,  and  without  communication  with  Gates. 
*  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan.  f  Dr.  Hill's  Manuscript. 


THE    SURRENDER.  125 

When  the  second  battle  commenced,  Arnold,  still  for 
bidden  to  take  part,  became  infuriated.  "  He  continued 
in  camp  some  time,  but  at  length  rode  off,  in  full  gallop,  to 
the  field  without  permission.  This  being  told  to  Gates, 
he  sent  Major  Armstrong  after  him  with  orders  to  return."  * 

As  soon  as  Arnold  saw  Armstrong,  anticipating  the 
purport  of  his  message,  he  put  spurs  to  his  horse.  Arm 
strong  pursued,  following  the  erratic  movements  of  Arnold, 
without  being  able  to  get  near  enough  to  speak  to  him. 
He  moved  incessantly  on  the  field,  giving  orders  in  every 
direction,  and  sometimes  in  direct  opposition  to  those  of 
the  officers."  "He  behaved,"  says  Samuel  Woodruff,  a 
sergeant  in  the  battle,  "  more  like  a  madman  than  a  dis 
creet  officer."  It  was  the  opinion  of  many  that  he  was 
intoxicated ;  some  thought  with  brandy,  some  with  opium, 
— more  likely  with  pride,  rage  and  desperation.  He  had 
lost  all  command  of  himself  ;  was  scarcely  conscious  of,  or 
responsible  for,  his  actions,  and  certainly  in  no  condition 
to  give  orders  to  others. 

But  a  word  concerning  the  duration  of  the  battle.  It 
began  about  three  o'clock.  Bancroft  says  :  "  Just  twenty 
minutes  after  the  beginning  of  the  attack,  the  British 
lines  wavered  and  broke,  and  Burgoyne  gave  the  order  to 
retreat."  The  Baroness  Reidesel,  in  her  quarters,  far  to 
the  rear,  says  :  "  About  four  o'clock  they  brought  in  to 
me  poor  General  Frazcr,  mortally  wounded."  Even  ex 
tending  the  time  of  the  field-fight  to  a  half-hour  or  longer, 
what  had  Arnold  to  do  with  it  ?  He  did  not  leave  the 
American  camp  for  "  some  time  after  the  battle  com 
menced."  f  Indeed,  no  authority  makes  mention  of  him 
until  the  attack  upon  the  British  intrenchments.  Then 
Major  Armstrong  pursued  him  "for  half  an  hour,"  Arnold 
dashing  hither  and  thither,  without  aim  or  object,  except 
to  evade  his  pursuer  and  his  message — everywhere,  and 
nowhere  to  any  useful  purpose.  He  dashed  in  after  Morgan 
*  Sparks.  f  Sparks. 


126  THE   SURRENDER. 

into  Balcarras'  works  and  out  again ;  then  into  the 
German  lines  after  Colonel  Brooks,  and  the  last  volley 
of  the  retreating  Brunswickers  shattered  his  leg  and 
killed  his  horse.  Major  Armstrong  only  then  overtook 
him,  and  succeeded  in  delivering  Gates'  order  for  him  to 
return  to  camp.  But  his  fame  was  secure  !  !  !  "  His 
madness  resulted  most  fortunately  for  himself.  The 
wound  he  received  at  the  moment  of  rushing  into  the 
very  arms  of  danger  and  death,  added  fresh  lustre  to  his 
military  glory,  and  was  a  new  claim  to  public  favor  and 
applause."* 

His  only  well  -  authenticated  field  performance,  was 
striking  an  American  officer  on  the  head  with  his  sword  ; 
"  the  next  day,  when  the  officer  demanded  redress,  Ar 
nold  declared  his  ignorance  of  the  act  and  expressed 
regret." 

In  the  face  of  these  admitted  facts,  can  any  one  main 
tain  that  this  man  was  capable  of  issuing  an  intelligent 
military-order?  Wilkinson,  who  was  on  the  battle-field, 
and  whose  attention  was  specially  directed  to  Arnold's 
movements,  says  :  "  It  is  certain  that  he  neither  rendered 
service  nor  deserved  credit  on  that  day ;  and  the  wound  lie 
received  alone  saved  him  from  being  overshadowed  ~by  Gates' 
popularity.  On  such  caprices  of  fortune  does  the  bubble 
of  military  reputation  depend."  The  exulting  cry  of  the 
victors  had  reached  his  ears,  and  maddened  him  ;  he  de 
termined  to  share  with  them  the  fruits  of  that  victory, 
rushing  in  at  the  close  of  the  action,  and  identifying  him 
self  with  the  glories  of  the  day.  The  very  horse  upon 
which  he  rode  into  the  field,  he  stole. f 

*  Sparks. 

\  The  animal,  a  beautiful  Spanish  horse,  the  property  of  Colonel 
Lewis,  was  borrowed  by  Arnold  on  this  occasion.  A  short  time  after 
the  action,  Colonel  Lewis  called  on  him  and  requested  a  certificate 
of  the  horse  having  been  killed,  that  he  might  obtain  the  value  of 
him,  according  to  usage,  from  the  public  treasury.  Arnold  declined 


THE   SURRENDER.  127 

But  the  conclusion  of  the  whole  matter  is,  that  both 
Gates  and  Arnold  were  only,  and  solely,  accidental  figure 
heads  in  this  important  military  crisis.  It  was  certainly 
fortunate  for  the  cause  that  Gates  remained  at  head 
quarters.  Though  not  altogether  wanting  in  military 
knowledge  he  was,  from  personal  cowardice,  nothing  on 
the  field ;  and  perhaps  no  one  knew  this  better  than  him 
self.  The  only  movement  ordered  by  him,  two  days  after 
the  battle,  when  Burgoyne  was  attempting  a  general 

giving  the  certificate,  saying  it  would  have  an  ill  appearance  for  a 
Major-general  to  sign  a  certificate  for  a  horse  that  had  been  shot 
under  him  in  battle.  Lewis  said  no  more  till  Arnold  was  about  to 
leave  the  camp,  when  he  insisted  on  being  allowed  a  proper  compensa 
tion  for  the  loss  of  his  horse.  Arnold  still  assigned  motives  of 
delicacy  for  refusing  a  certificate,  but  told  Lewis  that  he  had  a  fine 
Narragansett  mare  in  the  public  stables,  which  he  would  give  him. 
in  the  place  of  his  horse,  and  immediately  wrote  an  order  to  the 
keeper  of  the  stables,  directing  him  to  deliver  the  mare  to  Colonel 
Lewis.  Meantime  Arnold  left,  and  a  few  days  after  the  order  was 
presented.  The  keeper  said  there  was  no  mare  belonging  to  Gen 
eral  Arnold,  in  the  stables.  There  had  been  one  of  that  description 
some  time  before,  but  she  had  been  sold  to  another  officer.  It  was 
subsequently  ascertained  that  Arnold  had  sent  in  a  certificate  and 
had  received  pay  from  the  government  for  the  horse  that  had  been 
shot. 

Again,  at  the  close  of  the  war,  when  on  the  point  of  sailing  for 
England,  Arnold  borrowed  two  hundred  dollars  from  Captain  Camp 
bell  in  the  British  service,  for  which  he  gave  him  an  order  on  Cap 
tain  Lewis,  saying  that  Lewis  owed  him  for  a  mare  purchased  three 
years  before.  Captain  Campbell  being  a  friend  of  Colonel  Lewis, 
and  expecting  to  see  him  again,  took  the  order  as  a  safe  equivalent 
and  loaned  the  money  to  Arnold.  When  the  news  of  peace  arrived 
in  New  York,  Colonel  Campbell  was,  by  permission  of  General 
Washington,  dispatched  by  the  British  commander  at  New  York  by 
land,  with  the  intelligence,  to  the  Governor  of  Canada.  On  his  way, 
he  stopped  to  visit  his  friend  Lewis  in  Albany,  and  presented 
Arnold's  order.  Their  mutual  surprise  may  be  imagined,  both 
being  equal  sufferers  by  this  refinement  of  knavery.*  Thus  he  ad 
dressed  himself  with  equal  gusto  to  small,  as  to  great  villainies. 
*  Sparks. 


128  THE   SUEEEKDEE. 

retreat,  well-nigh  resulted  in  disgrace  and  disaster  to  the 
American  army. 

"The  action  was  the  battle  of  the  husbandmen.  So 
many  of  the  rank  and  file  were  freeholders  or  freeholders' 
sons,  that  they  gave  character  to  the  whole  army.  Next 
to  the  generous  care  of  Washington  in  detaching  to  that 
army  troops  destined  against  Howe,  victory  was  due  to  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  soldiers.  Their  common  zeal  created  a 
harmonious  correspondence  of  movement  and  baffled  the 
high  officers  and  veterans  opposed  to  them."  * 

On  this  decisive  day,  men  of  New  York,  New  England, 
and  men  of  the  valley  of  Virginia,  led  by  the  lion-hearted 
Morgan,  fought  together  in  a  common  cause. 


The  British  General  might  yet  have  saved  the  remnants 
of  his  army,  by  a  rapid  flight  on  the  night  following  the 
battle  ;  but  he  contented  himself  with  transferring  his 
camp  to  the  heights  on  his  rear,  and  the  dawning  day 
revealed  the  misery  and  hopelessness  of  his  situation. 
Delay  was  fatal  to  Burgoyne  ;  the  Baroness  Reidesel  says  : 
"A  retreat  was  spoken  of,  but  there  was  not  the  least 
movement  made  toward  it.  We  learned  that  General 
Burgoyne  intended  to  fulfil  the  last  wish  of  General 
Frazer,  to  have  him  buried  at  six  o'clock  in  the  even 
ing  at  the  place  designated  by  him.  This  occasioned  a 
delay  to  which  part  of  the  misfortunes  of  the  army  was 
owing/' 

The  death  of  Frazer,  aside  from  the  defeat,  would  have 
hung  the  British  camp  in  gloom,  so  closely  had  he  drawn 
all  hearts  to  himself.  "  He  questioned  the  surgeon  eagerly 
as  to  his  wound,  and  when  he  found  that  he  must  go  from 
wife  and  children  ;  that  fame  and  promotion  and  life  were 

*  Bancroft,  Vol.  IX. 


THE   SURRENDER.  129 

gliding  from  before  his  eyes,  he  cried  out  in  his  agony  : 
'  Damned  ambition.' " 

"At  sunset  of  the  8th,  as  his  body,  attended  by  the  offi 
cers  and  his  family,  was  borne  by  soldiers  of  his  corps  to 
the  Great  Eedoubt  above  the  Hudson,  Avhere  he  had  asked 
to  be  buried,  the  three  Major  Generals,  and  none  beside, 
joined  the  train.  Amidst  the  ceaseless  booming  of  the 
American  artillery,  the  order  prescribed  for  the  burial 
of  the  dead  was  strictly  observed,  in  the  twilight,  over  his 
grave.  Never  more  shall  he  chase  the  red  deer  through 
the  heather  of  Strath  Errick,  or  guide  the  skiff  across  the 
fathomless  lake  of  central  Scotland,  or  muse  over  the  ruin 
of  the  Stuarts  on  the  moor  of  Drum-mossie,  or  dream  of 
glory  beside  the  crystal  waters  of  the  Ness.  Death  in 
itself  is  not  terrible,  but  he  came  to  America  for  selfish 
advancement,  and  though  bravely  true  as  a  soldier,  he 
died  unconsoled/'  * 

As  soon  as  the  funeral  services  were  over,  the  order  for 
retreat  was  given,  but  through  a  night  of  pouring  rain, 
it  was  all  too  slow.  The  continual  rain  of  the  next  day 
compelled  a  halt,  and  by  the  10th  it  was  impossible  to 
attempt  the  crossing  of  the  Hudson.  The  Americans  had 
taken  position  on  the  opposite  side  on  the  banks  of  the 
Batten  Kill.  Burgoyne  ordered  his  army  to  reoccupy 
their  former  camp  on  the  heights  of  Saratoga. 

The  lay  of  the  land  resembled  a  vast  amphitheatre  with 
the  British  in  the  arena,  and  the  Americans  posted  upon 
the  rising  elevations  around.  Burgoyne's  fortified  camp 
extended  a  half  mile  along  the  river,  with  his  artillery  on 
an  elevated  plateau. 

Morgan  and  his  sharpshooters  were  posted  on  still  higher 
ground  in  his  rear,  and  to  the  west.  Opposite,  on  the 
eastern  bank  of  the  Hudson,  Fellowes  with  three  thousand 
was  intrenched.  Gates  with  the  main  army  occupied  the 
height  south  of  Fish  Creek.  Stark  the  invincible,  with 
*  Bancroft,  Vol.  IX. 


130  THE   SURRENDER. 

two  thousand  men,  held  the  river  at  Fort  Edward.  Be 
tween  him  and  Lake  George  the  Americans  had  a  strongly 
fortified  camp,  and  the  river  on  both  sides  was  lined  with 
bodies  of  militia,  who  flocked  from  all  quarters,  to  bag  the 
game.  The  condition  of  the  British  army  was  pitiable  in 
the  extreme.  The  soldiers  were  worn  down  by  weeks  of 
incessant  toil,  privation,  sickness,  and  desperate  righting. 

Their  losses  included  their  highest  officers  and  best 
fighting  material.  Deserted  by  their  Canadian  and  Indian 
allies,  their  hospitals  crowded  with  sick  and  wounded, 
their  effective  force  was  less  than  one  half  the  number 
Burgoyne  had  brought  from  Canada. 

In  the  depths  of  a  gloomy  wilderness,  they  were  in 
vested  by  a  victorious  army,  more  than  twice  their  num 
ber,  who  encircled  them  with  a  wall  of  steel ;  an  enemy 
who  declined  to  fight,  and  who  in  their  high  in  trench - 
ments  defied  attack.  "The  trap  which  Eeidesel  and 
Frazer  had -.foreseen  was  sprung." 

"In  this  helpless  condition,  obliged  to  be  constantly 
under  arms  while,  the  enemy's  cannon  played  on  every 
part  of  their  camp  and  their  rifle-balls  whistled  through 
the  lines,  the  troops  of  Burgoyne  retained  their  firmness, 
and  while  sinking  under  a  hard  necessity  they  showed 
themselves  worthy  of  a  better  fate."  * 

On  the  13th,  starvation  was  imminent,  and  the  officers 
in  council  urged  Burgoyne  to  capitulate.  On  the  loth, 
the  articles  of  capitulation  were  barely  concluded,  when 
a  messenger  brought  to  Burgoyne  news  of  Clinton's  suc 
cess  on  the  Hudson,  and  that  part  of  his  forces  were 
within  fifty  miles  of  the  camp.  Too  late — their  faith  was 
pledged.  The  Americans  also  had  heard  from  below,  and 
would  have  attacked  immediately. 

On  the  17th  of  October,  the  convention  of  Saratoga 
was  carried  into  effect  by  which  five  thousand,  seven 
hundred  and  ninety  surrendered  themselves  prisoners, 
*  Botta. 


THE    SUEEEKDEE.  131 

with  forty- two  pieces  of  the  best  brass  ordnance  then 
known,  forty-six  hundred  muskets,  and  a  large  amount 
of  ammunition. 

Much  has  been  said  and  written  concerning  the  magnan 
imity  and  delicacy  shown  by  Gates  to  his  vanquished  foe  ; 
the  over-generous  terms  granted  to  Burgoyne,  which  gave 
infinite  dissatisfaction  to  Congress  and  the  country,  and 
which  were  finally  disallowed ;  his  ordering  his  whole 
army  out  of  sight  while  the  British  stacked  their  arms,  at 
the  command  of  their  own  officers  ;  also  the  spectacular 
arrangement  for  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne's  sword,  etc., 
etc. 

On  that  day  Gates  dined  and  wined  the  officers,  and 
many  compliments  and  fair  speeches  were  exchanged. 
Burgoyne  finally  proposed  a  toast  to  General  Washington, 
which  it  must  have  irked  Gates  to  swallow,  who  in  turn 
drained  a  glass  to  King  George.  By  pre-arrangement,  as 
the  British  army  filed  past  headquarters,  the  two  generals 
stepped  out  in  front  of  the  tent,  and,  in  sight  of  both 
armies,  Burgoyne  handed  his  sword  to  Gates,  who  imme 
diately  returned  it. 

It  was  scarcely  magnanimity,  seeing  that  magnanimity 
is  not'  a  garment  to  be  worn  to-day  and  folded  up  as  a 
vesture  to-morrow  ;  that  it  is  no  respecter  of  persons,  but 
is  debtor  to  all  mankind  ;  that  it  is  a  quality  of  the  soul, 
which  inheres ;  the  exquisite  bloom  and  aroma  of  the 
character,  that  unconsciously  and  inevitably  colors  and 
perfumes  every  thought  and  deed  of  its  possessor. 

It  was  more  likely  that  unhandsome  thing  which  we 
call  toadyism,  since  it  was  only  exercised  towards  the  ene 
mies  of  his  country.  At  that  very  instant  he  had  none 
for  the  noble  spirits  who  had  contributed  so  largely  to 
secure  his  present  exaltation.  We  have  already  seen  how 
persistently  he  held  back  Washington's  own  forces,  even 
after  the  surrender,  when  he  no  longer  needed  them. 

He  forgot   that   the  pompous   message   dispatched   to 


132  THE    SURRENDER. 

Congress,  instead  of  to  the  commander-in-chief ,  was  made 
possible  only  by  the  generosity  of  Washington,  in  strip 
ping  himself  of  his  best  officers  and  men  to  reinforce  the 
army  of  the  Hudson,  while  he  skilfully  kept  at  bay  nearly 
twice  his  own  numbers  on  the  Delaware. 

Who  does  not  see  that  Gates,  handicapped  with  Sulli 
van  and  Greene,  and  Washington,  supported  by  Stark 
and  Morgan,  with  any  approach  to  equality  of  forces, 
would  have  given  a  surrender  at  Philadelphia  instead  of 
Saratoga.  We  should  have  held  the  Delaware  and  lost  the 
Hudson — a  calamity  which  the  commander-in-chief  fore 
saw  and  provided  against. 

Gates'  course  towards  Arnold,  odious  as  he  appears,  was 
equally  wanting  in  justice  and  generosity;  and  from  an 
extravagant  appreciation  and  a  fawning  patronage  of  Mor 
gan,  he  suddenly  assumed  towards  him  a  haughty  and 
disdainful  demeanor.  Notwithstanding  the  splendid  ser 
vice  he  had  rendered,  Morgan's  name  had  only  a  passing 
notice  in  the  early  despatches,  and  was  not  even  men 
tioned  in  Gates'  official  account  of  the  surrender,  to  which 
he  had  so  largely  contributed. 

This  sudden  fall  from  the  General's  favor  was  marked 
by  the  officers,  as  Gates  had  given  Morgan  the  most 
unmistakable  proofs  of  his  confidence  and  esteem  from 
the  moment  of  his  arrival  in  camp.  Morgan  kept  silence, 
and  the  matter  remained  a  mystery  at  the  time,  but  was 
afterward  satisfactorily  explained. 

"  Immediately  after  the  surrender,  Morgan  visited  Gates 
on  business,  when  he  was  taken  aside  by  the  General  ancf 
confidentially  informed  that  the  main  army  was  extremely 
dissatisfied  with  the  conduct  of  the  war  by  the  com 
mander-in-chief,  and  that  several  of  the  best  officers 
threatened  to  resign  unless  a  change  took  place.  Morgan 
perfectly  comprehended  the  motives  of  Gates,  although  he 
did  not  then  know  of  the  correspondence  he  had  been 
holding  with  Conway,  and  he  sternly  replied  :  '  I  have  one 


THE    SURRENDER.  133 

favor  to  ask  of  you,  sir,  which  is,  never  to  mention  that 
detestable  subject  to  me  again,  for  under  no  other  man 
than  Washington,  as  commander-in-chief,  would  I  ever 
serve.'  A  day  or  two  after  the  foregoing  interchange  of 
views,  General  Gates  gave  a  dinner  to  the  principal  officers 
of  the  British  army,  to  which  a  number  of  American 
officers  were  also  invited.  Morgan  was  not  among  the 
number.  Before  the  evening  was  over,  the  petty  indignity 
recoiled  upon  its  author.  Morgan  had  occasion  to  see 
Gates  upon  official  business.  He  was  ushered  into  the 
dining-room,  where  they  still  sat  at  table.  Having  attended 
to  the  matter  in  hand,  he  was  allowed  to  withdraw,  with 
out  even  the  empty  ceremony  of  an  introduction.  Struck 
by  the  commanding  figure  and  noble  mien  of  the  colonel, 
they  inquired  his  name,  and  on  learning  that  it  was  Col 
onel  Morgan,  they  left  the  table,  and,  following  him,  took 
him  by  the  hand,  made  themselves  known  to  him,  frankly 
declaring  at  the  same  time  that  they  had  felt  him  severely 
in  the  field."  *  They  had  only  a  dining-room  acquaintance 
with  Gates. 

Salvos  of  cannon  announced  the  glorious  tidings  of  the 
surrender  all  over  the  country.  Congress  gave  thanks  to 
the  army,  the  coveted  full  rank  of  major-general  to  Ar 
nold,  a  medal  of  gold  to  Gates — to  Morgan,  nothing. 

And  do  we,  in  these  holy  centennial  days,  living  in  the 
rich  fruitage  of  the  noble  planting  of  those  mighty  spirits, 
— do  we  still  confirm  the  old  injustice,  and  still  consent  to 
fraud  and  villainy,  by  raising  statues  and  carving  marbles 
to  Gates  and  Arnold  ? 

*  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan.     Dr.  Hill's  MSS. 


XIV.— 1777-1779. 
HARD  SEEVICE  AND  NO  LAURELS. 

MORGAN  moved  with  all  haste  to  join  Washington 
at  Whitemarsh,  a  strong  position  in  the  vicinity 
of  Philadelphia,  which  he  reached  November  18th,  1777. 

At  that  time  a  party  were  clamoring  for  the  commander- 
in-chief  to  attack  Howe,  but,  as  he  had  less  than  eight 
thousand  effective  men  and  Howe  was  well  intrenched 
with  twice  that  number,  he  declined  so  rash  a  movement, 
notwithstanding  the  unhandsome  innuendoes  levelled  at 
him.  He  strengthened  his  own  position,  and  compelled 
Howe  to  the  initiative. 

On  the  night  of  December  4th,  that  officer  moved  out 
from  his  lines  with  fourteen  thousand  men,  and  the  next 
morning  advanced  to  Chestnut  Hill,  about  three  miles 
from  the  right  wing  of  the  American  army. 

The  Pennsylvania  militia  were  ordered  forward  to  skir 
mish  with  the  enemy,  but  after  a  short  engagement, 
they  fled  in  disorder,  leaving  their  commander,  General 
Irvine,  wounded  and  a  prisoner.  The  British,  during  the 
night,  changed  their  ground,  and  now  menaced  the  Amer 
ican  left,  advancing  within  a  mile  of  their  lines.  Every 
appearance  indicated  a  serious  intention  of  battle,  which 
Washington  determined  not  to  decline.  On  the  morning 
of  the  8th,  Morgan  was  ordered  to  the  front  with  his 
corps.  General  Gist  and  a  body  of  Maryland  militia  were 
also  thrown  forward  a  short  distance  to  the  right. 

Morgan  put  his  men  in  motion  towards  a  very  con 
siderable  body  of  the  enemy.  As  soon  as  he  heard  the 


HARD   SEEVICE   AND   NO   LAURELS.  135 

firing  in  the  direction  of  the  Maryland  militia,  he  gave 
the  word,  and  his  corps  delivered  a  well-aimed  dis 
charge,  and  rushed  forward  with  their  usual  impetu 
osity.  A  second  and  third  volley  of  halls,  in  rapid  suc 
cession,  thinned  out  the  British  ranks  ;  they  fired  with 
out  effect,  hroke  and  fled  in  disorder.  Morgan  pursued 
the  flying  foe  until  they  reached  a  body  of  British  infan 
try,  who  were  moving  to  their  support.  They  rallied  and 
the  contest  was  renewed  with  vigor.  Nothing  daunted 
by  the  presence  of  thrice  their  numbers,  the  riflemen 
sheltered  themselves  among  the  trees  and  continued  to 
pour  in  upon  the  British  an  unceasing  fire,  every  ball  carry 
ing  its  message  of  wounds  or  death. 

Unfortunately,  General  Gist  had  been  compelled  to 
give  ground  before  his  opponents,  who  now  turned  upon 
Morgan.  Finding  himself  threatened  upon  flank  and 
rear,  he  signalled  a  retreat ;  they  drew  off  in  perfect 
order,  nor  did  the  British  venture  a  step  in  pursuit,  so 
heavy  was  their  loss. 

The  engagement,  though  short,  had  been  exceedingly 
spirited,  and,  for  the  time  and  numbers  engaged,  the 
slaughter  of  the  British  was  incredible.  Their  loss  in 
this  encounter  with  the  rifle  corps  was  not  less  than  two 
hundred. 

Howe  had  now  maneuvred  for  three  days  before  Wash 
ington's  army  and  lost  during  that  time  not  less  than  three 
hundred  and  fifty  in  killed  and  wounded— the  majority  of 
them  in  a  skirmish  of  less  than  an  hour  with  the  rifle 
corps. 

Such  an  admonition  was  not  lost  upon  a  commander 
like  Howe.  The  next  day  he  marched  with  his  whole 
force  back  to  Philadelphia,  and  did  not  again  repeat  the 
experiment.  It  was  fortunate  ;  for  Washington's  army, 
pinched  with  hunger  and  nakedness,  was  hors-du  combat. 

The  rifle  corps  had  suffered  severely  in  the  affair  of 
Chestnut  Hill,  twenty-seven  killed  and  wounded  ;  among 


136  HARD    SERVICE   AND   NO    LAURELS. 

them  the  brave  Major  Morris,  beloved  by  all.  He  died  a 
few  days  after.  Here  we  get  a  glimpse  of  that  rare  and 
beautiful  spirit  that  brooded  over  our  cause,  our  battle 
fields  and  camps,  like  an  angel  of  mercy,  dropping  the 
balm  of  sympathy  where  it  was  most  sorely  needed. 

The  brave  instinctively  draw  to  the  brave.  Upon  the 
arrival  of  Morgan's  corps  from  the  North,  LaFayette 
had  expressed  the  greatest  interest  in  their  movements, 
and  had  sought  the  friendship  of  its  officers.  Between 
Morgan  and  himself,  this  friendship  ripened  into  an  inti 
macy  that  ceased  only  with  life. 

LaFayette  had  commanded  part  of  the  corps  in  a  little 
skirmish  a  day  or  two  before  the  fight  at  Chestnut  Hill, 
and,  in  his  account  to  Washington,  was  enthusiastic  in 
their  praise. 

They  had  attacked  a  picket-guard  of  three  hundred  and 
fifty  Hessians,  with  their  field-pieces,  who,  after  a  few 
minutes  hard  fighting,  were  compelled  to  fly.  He  wrote  : 
"British  reinforcements  came  twice  to  their  aid,  but  very 
far  from  recovering  their  ground,  they  always  retreated." 
The  pursuit  was  pushed  to  their  camp,  with  the  loss,  on 
the  American  side,  of  only  one  killed  and  six  wounded. 
The  marquis  extolled  the  riflemen  :  "  I  never  saw  men 
so  merry,  so  spirited,  and  so  desirous  to  go  on  to  the 
enemy,  whatever  force  they  might  meet,  as  that  small 
party  in  this  little  fight." 

For  Major  Morris  the  marquis  entertained  the  most 
generous  affection.  The  fact  that  his  wife  and  children 
were  left  unprovided  for,  by  his  death,  pained  LaFayette 
deeply,  and  drew  from  him  the  following  proposal,  so 
exquisite  in  delicacy  of  feeling  and  expression  : 

"Dear  Sir : — I  just  now  received  your  favor  concerning 
our  late  friend  Major  Morris,  and  I  need  not  repeat  to 
you  how  much  I  am  concerned  in  the  interests  of  his 
family.  I  spoke  the  other  day  to  his  Excellency  on  the 


HARD    SERVICE   AND   NO    LAURELS.  137 

subject,  and  I  shall  write  to  Congress  a  very  particular 
letter,  where  you  will  be  mentioned. 

"  I  intend  to  speak  as  in  your  name,  and  that  of  all 
your  corps,  and  as  being  myself  honored  with  their  confi 
dence. 

"  It  is  my  opinion  that  a  decent  estate  might  be  given  to 
the  family,  as  a  mark  of  gratefulness  from  their  country, 
and  that  his  son  must  be  promoted  as  soon  as  possible. 

"But,  my  dear  sir,  you  know  how  long  Congress  waive 
any  matter  whatsoever  before  a  decision,  and  as  Mrs. 
Morris  may  be  in  some  want  before  that  time,  I  am  going 
to  trouble  you  with  a  commission  which  I  beg  you  will 
execute  with  the  greatest  secrecy. 

"  If  she  wanted  to  borrow  any  sum  of  money,  in  expecting 
the  arrangements  of  Congress,  it  would  not  become  a 
stranger  unknown  to  her,  to  offer  himself  for  that  purpose. 
But  you  could  (as  from  yourself)  tell  her  that  you  had 
friends  who,  being  in  the  army,  don't  know  what  to  do 
with  their  money ;  and  as  they  are  not  in  the  mercantile 
or  husbandry  way,  would  willingly  let  her  have  one  or  many 
thousands  of  dollars,  which  she  might  give  again  in  three 
or  four  years. 

"  One  other  way  would  be,  to  let  her  believe  that  you 
have  got,  or  borrowed,  the  money  from  any  town  or  body 
you  will  be  pleased  to  mention  ;  or  it  would  be  needless  to 
mention  where  it  comes  from. 

"  In  a  word,  my  dear  sir,  if  with  the  greatest  secrecy 
and  the  most  minute  regard  for  that  lady's  delicacy,  you 
may  find  a  manner  of  being  useful  to  her,  I  beg  you 
would  communicate  to  me  immediately.  I  shall,  as  soon 
as  possible,  let  you  know  the  answer  of  Congress,  when 
ever  an  answer  will  be  got,  and  in  expecting  the  pleasure 
to  hear  from  you,  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  sincerely, 
"  Your  most  obedient  servant, 

"MARQUIS  DE  LAFAYETTE. 
"  To  Colonel  MORGAN,  of  the  Bine  Corps." 


138  HARD   SERVICE   AND   NO   LAURELS. 

Persuaded  that  Howe  had  now  abandoned  all  intention 
of  battle,  Washington  conducted  his  tatterdemalion  army 
into  winter-quarters  at  Valley  Forge ;  a  position  secure 
from  attack  and  favorable  to  such  a  disposition  of  the 
American  forces  as  would  best  prevent  the  foraging  of  the 
British  army.  General  Armstrong  kept  the  old  camp  at 
Whitemarsh  ;  General  Smallwood  took  post  at  Wilming 
ton  ;  Major  Jameson  with  cavalry  guarded  the  east,  and 
Captain  Lee  the  west  side  of  the  Schuylkill ;  Morgan  was 
in  advance  of  these,  on  the  west  side  of  the  river,  charged 
to  watch  every  movement  of  the  enemy  and  detect  their 
purpose. 

Soon  the  vigilance  of  his  American  keepers  made  it 
necessary  for  Howe  to  detach  a  British  brigade  to  steal  u 
sheep ;  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Howe  was  taxed  to  supply  the 
army,  and  the  witticism  of  Dr.  Franklin  was  justified, 
"  instead  of  the  British  taking  Philadelphia,  Philadelphia 
had  taken  them." 

Much  of  the  service  to  which  Morgan  was  now  ap 
pointed  was  of  the  severest  character,  invaluable  to  the 
cause  but  unattended  with  glory  or  remuneration  ;  never 
theless,  that  unknown,  unseen,  unappreciated  work  which, 
faithfully  performed,  best  strengthens  the  fibre  of  heroic 
souls. 

In  advance,  as  usual,  and  so  near  the  enemy's  post,  their 
vigilance  was  never  to  slumber  nor  sleep, — frosty  night 
watches  succeeded  the  labors  of  the  day ;  the  cold  was 
intense,  yet  oftentimes  they  dared  not  build  fires ;  with 
out  shelter  and  most  scantily  fed,  they  saved  themselves 
from  perishing  only  by  keeping  in  constant  motion. 

Here  sets  in  a  stretch  of  eighteen  months  of  much  such 
service.  Even  his  Herculean  physique  was  beginning  to 
succumb.  Wherever  skill,  vigilance,  penetration,  judg 
ment  or  daring  was  most  wanted,  thither  went  this 
Agamemnon,  shepherd  of  the  people.  Not  once  was  he 
surprised  ;  not  once  did  he  bring  false  intelligence. 


HARD    SERVICE   AND   NO   LAURELS.  139 

His  services  at  the  time  of  the  evacuation  of  Philadel 
phia  in  the  summer  of  1778  were  invaluable — the  following 
brief  letters  among  many  testify  to  it: 

"  HEAD  QUARTERS,  VALLEY  FORGE,  May  17, 1778. 
"Dear  Sir: — His  Excellency  is  much  obliged  to  you 
for  your  information.     There  is  little  room  to  doubt  of 
their  intentions  to  evacuate  the  city.     *     *     *    * 
"I  am,  with  much  respect, 

"  Your  humble  servant, 

"JAMES   McHENRY." 

"  Colonel  MORGAN,  at  Radnor." 

"  HEAD  QUARTERS,  May  30,  1778. 

"  Dear  Sir : — Your  letter  concerning  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
is  received.     His  Excellency  is  highly  pleased  with  your 
conduct  upon  this  occasion,  etc.     *    *     *     * 
"I  am  your  obedient  servant, 

"JOHN  FITZGERALD,  A.D.  C." 
"  Colonel  MORGAN." 

Certain  it  is,  that  Morgan  was  rising  to  fame  and  honor 
with  the  army  and  with  its  ablest  officers,  though  his 
name  had  not  yet  penetrated  "the  dull  cold  ear"  of  Con 
gress.  They  did  not  know  this  great  combination,  that 
reminds  us  by  turns  of  Hercules  and  Ajax  and  Agamem 
non  and  old  Bunyan's  "Great  Heart."  History  says  that 
Belisarius  had  a  voice,  like  that  with  which  we  know 
Morgan  led  on  his  men,  when  he  stormed  Quebec,  and 
rushed  into  the  "Great  Redoubt"  at  Saratoga,  and  rode 
down  Ban  Tarleton  on  the  field  of  Cowpens. 

There  was  one  thing,  however,  which  this  heroic  soul 
could  not  do.  with  all  the  power  of  that  matchless  voice. 
He  couldn't  blow  his  own  trumpet.  No  heroic  soul  ever 
did.  Perhaps,  like  Washington,  he  thought  posterity 
would  blow  it  for  him  ;  meantime  he  served  a  cause  and 
not  himself.  That  he  felt  the  neglect  is  equally  certain, 


140  HARD    SERVICE   AND   NO   LAURELS. 

and  this,  with  other  considerations,  undoubtedly  led  to 
his  retirement  in  June  1779. 

He  remained  long  enough  to  see  the  fruit  of  his  labors 
at  Saratoga.  The  French  king's  ambassadors  had  been  re 
ceived  by  Congress,  and  the  French  king's  armies  and 
navies  were  in  our  waters,  and  had  necessitated  the  evacu 
ation  of  Philadelphia.  Spain  and  Holland  were  likewise 
arrayed  against  England,  and  they  were  crossing  swords 
in  every  quarter  of  the  world,  for  it  seemed  that  the  birth 
throes  of  the  Young  Eepublic  were  to  shake  the  globe. 
The  cause,  Morgan  thought,  was  now  assured — it  no  longer 
needed  him.  He  knew  perfectly  the  value  of  the  services 
he  had  performed,  and  he  knew  that  others  were  wearing 
the  laurels  that  rightfully  belonged  to  him.  He  con 
stantly  saw  his  inferiors,  either  by  their  own  importunities 
or  those  of  their  friends,  or  through  favoritism  or  still  less 
worthy  motives,  pass  above  him. 

Gates  filled  a  huge  space  in  public  favor,  and  Arnold 
was  at  this  moment  installed  in  splendor  in  Philadelphia, 
the  pampered  pet  of  society  and  of  the  commander-in- 
chief — hatching  "treasons,  stratagems,  and  spoils." 

In  this  continued  lack  of  recognition  and  acknowledg 
ment,  this  great  spirit  at  last  realized  that  manhood  was 
insulted  in  his  person,  and,  to  his  eternal  honor,  he  re 
signed  and  went  home. 

It  was  shortly  before  this  that  the  Marquis  de  La 
Fayette,  under  whose  orders  Morgan's  corps  had  so  often 
served,  was  about  to  embark  for  France  to  offer  his  sword 
to  his  king,  who  had  come  to  open  rupture  with  England 
by  the  recognition  of  the  independence  of  America.  On 
the  point  of  sailing  he  had  been  seized  at  Boston  with  a 
violent  fever  and  barely  escaped  with  his  life.  The  follow 
ing  letter  was  in  reply  to  one  from  Morgan : 

"  FISHKILL,  November  28,  1778. 
"Dear  Sir : — Your  most  kind  and  obliging  letter  arrived 


HARD   SERVICE   AND   NO   LAURELS.  141 

safe  into  my  hands,  but  I  was  then  too  ill  for  thinking  of 
answering  it.  However,  though  it  was  at  that  time,  out 
of  my  power  to  express  anything,  I  did  feel  all  the  senti 
ments  of  gratitude  for  the  friendship  and  the  good  idea 
you  are  pleased  to  entertain  of  me.  Both  are  extremely 
dear  to  my  heart,  and  I  do  assure  you  my  dear  sir,  that 
the  true  regard  and  esteem,  and  the  sincere  affection  you 
have  inspired  to  me,  will  last  for  ever. 

"The  strength  of  youth  and  a  good  constitution,  have 
brought  me  again  to  health  and  to  the  enjoyments  of  this 
world.  Dying  in  a  shameful  bed,  after  having  essayed 
some  more  honorable  occasions  in  the  field,  would  have 
been  for  me,  the  most  cruel  disappointment. 

"  I  am  just  setting  out  for  France  and  hope  to  be  there 
in  a  short  time.  My  country  is  at  war,  and  I  think  it 
my  duty  to  go  myself  for  offering  my  services  to  her. 
However,  I  am  very  far  from  leaving  the  American  service, 
and  I  have  merely  a  furlough  from  Congress.  I  am  much 
inclined  to  think  that  the  king  will  have  no  objection  to 
my  returning  here  ;  so  that  I  am  almost  convinced  that 
I  shall  have  the  pleasure  to  see  you  next  spring. 

"  I  most  earnestly  beg  you  to  present  my  best  compli 
ments  to  the  gentlemen  officers  in  my  division.  I  shall  for 
all  my  life,  feel  pleased  and  proud,  in  the  idea  that  I  have 
had  the  honor  to  be  entrusted  with  such  a  division.  I 
anticipate  the  happiness  of  finding  them  next  campaign, 
and  I  dare  flatter  myself  that  these  gentlemen  will  not 
forget  a  friend  and  fellow  soldier,  who  entertains  for  them 
all  the  sentiments  of  affection  and  esteem. 

"Farewell  my  dear  sir  ;  don't  forget  your  friend  on  the 
other  side  of  the  great  water  and  believe  me  ever. 
"  Your  affectionate 

"LA  FAYETTE. 

"  Colonel  MORGAN." 

It  is  worth  while  to  inquire  for  the  secret  of  the  esprit 


142  HAED    SERVICE    AKD    NO    LAURELS. 

of  this  matchless  rifle  corps,  whose  fame  had  gone  through 
the  land  and  crossed  the  seas.  Old  Frederick  the  Great 
had  observed  their  tactics  with  profoundest  interest,  and 
introduced  into  his  own  army  bodies  of  sharpshooters. 

Coming  to  a  close  scrutiny  of  its  soul  and  inspiration, — 
this  great,  massive,  granite  character, — we  find  it  ex 
quisitely  veined  with  tenderness,  delicacy,  and  sensi 
bility. 

Morgan's  capacity  for  commanding  was  "  singular,  rather 
than  rare."  His  own  conduct  furnished  the  best  example 
for  the  imitation  of  his  men,  and  inspired  them  equally 
with  the  profoundest  respect  and  the  most  affectionate 
regard. 

"  In  the  government  of  his  regiment  the  stern  and 
severe  system  of  the  army  was  unknown.  He  appealed 
to  the  pride  rather  than  to  the  fears  of  his  men,  and 
obtained  from  them  a  prompt  performance  of  their 
duty. 

"He  held  himself  accessible  to  them  on  all  necessary 
occasions,  and  encouraged  them  to  come  to  him  whenever 
they  had  just  cause  of  complaint.  He  knew  what  every 
soldier  was  entitled  to,  and  would  never  suffer  them  to  be 
wronged  or  imposed  upon.  He  took  great  pains  to  have 
them  provided  at  all  times  with  a  sufficiency  of  provisions, 
clothing  and  everything  necessary  to  their  comfort.  The 
wounded  and  sick  experienced  his  constant  care  and  atten 
tion.  Thus  officers  and  men  came  to  regard  themselves 
as  a  band  of  brothers,  among  whom  none  of  the  austerities 
of  strict  discipline  were  observed.  The  affection  of  his 
men  for  Morgan  is  shown  in  the  fact,  that  almost  every 
one  who  marched  with  him  through  the  wilderness  to 
Quebec  and  survived  its  disasters,  was  found  afterwards 
in  the  ranks  of  his  regiment. 

"  He  never  permitted  any  of  them  to  be  brought  before  a 
court-martial,  or  to  be  punished  by  whipping.  [That 
sword  had  once  entered  his  own  soul.]  When  one  of 


HARD   SEEYICE   AND   NO    LAURELS.  143 

them  was  charged  with  an  offence  which  called  for  punish 
ment,  the  accused,  if  guilty,  was  taken  by  Morgan  to 
some  secluded  place,  where  no  one  could  witness  what 
might  occur,  and  there,  after  a  lecture  on  the  impropriety 
of  his  conduct,  would  receive  a  thumping,  more  or  less 
severe,  according  to  the  nature  of  his  offence. 

"It  once  happened,  when  Morgan  was  away  from  his 
camp,  that  one  of  his  favorite  riflemen,  who  had  commit 
ted  some  misdemeanor,  was  brought  before  a  court-mar 
tial,  condemned  and  whipped  in  the  face  of  the  whole 
regiment.  When  Morgan  returned,  and  was  informed  of 
wli.it  had  happened,  he  was  so  moved  that  he  wept.  He 
declared  that  he  would  not  have  had  the  offended  whipped 
upon  any  consideration  whatever ;  that  he  was  a  high- 
spirited  and  efficient  soldier,  respected  at  home,  and  now 
he  must  be  so  lowered  in  his  own  esteem  as  to  be  unable 
ever  to  recover  his  former  self-respect  and  pride  of  man 
hood. 

"  Another  instance  of  his  manner  of  governing.  On  one 
occasion,  a  rough  piece  of  road  was  to  be  repaired  ;  a 
party  of  his  men  were  accordingly  sent,  under  an  ensign, 
to  execute  the  work.  While  thus  engaged,  Morgan  rode 
up  and  saw  two  of  them  heaving  at  a  large  rock,  the  re 
moval  of  which  was  evidently  beyond  their  strength.  The 
ensign  stood  and  looked  on  but  offered  no  assistance. 
'  Why  don't  you  lay  hold  and  help  those  men  ?  '  inquired 
Morgan  of  the  ensign.  '  Sir/  replied  the  latter,  '  I  am 
an  officer.7  '  I  beg  your  pardon/  responded  Morgan ; 
'I  did  not  think  of  that.'  Instantly  alighting  from  his 
horse,  he  approached  the  rock,  seizing  hold  of  which,  he 
exclaimed  to  the  men,  '  Now  heave  hard,  my  boys.'  The 
rock  was  soon  displaced,  and  Morgan,  without  another 
word,  mounted  and  rode  off."  * 

We  have  alluded  to  other  circumstances  that  conduced 
to  Morgan's  resignation.  The  depreciation  of  the  cur- 
*  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan,  p.  200. 


144  HARD   SERVICE   AND   NO   LAURELS. 

rency,  and  the  poverty  of  the  military  chest,  had  for 
some  time  left  the  officers  without  adequate  support. 
Many  efficient  officers  had  quit  the  service,  because  they 
could  no  longer  make  a  decent  appearance.  Morgan  had 
long  been  drawing  upon  his  private  revenues,,  while  his 
interests  were  suffering  seriously  by  his  protracted  absence 
from  home. 

A  graver  compulsion,  however,  was  the  impaired  state  of 
his  health.  The  unparalleled  severities  of  that  ill-starred 
Canadian  expedition  ;  that  winter  wading  through  the 
rivers  and  marshes  of  Maine,  with  the  subsequent  hard 
service  before  Quebec,  had  induced  a  rheumatic  affection, 
which  at  times  developed  into  a  torturing  sciatica. 

The  services  of  the  rifle  corps,  for  the  eighteen  months 
following  the  surrender  at  Saratoga,  had  also  involved 
more  peril,  privation  and  fatigue  than  that  of  any  other 
regiment  in  the  army. 

Their  incessant  reconnoissances  and  maneuvres  before 
the  enemy's  outposts,  their  innumerable  picket  fights  and 
skirmishes,  unrecorded,  lost  to  history  and  now  forgotten, 
were  attended  by  more  privation  and  danger  than  regular 
field  engagements. 

In  June,  1779,  he  communicated  his  intentions  to 
Washington  and  asked  permission  to  wait  upon  Congress 
with  his  resignation.  Washington  received  his  proposi 
tion  with  much  concern,  and  endeavored  to  dissuade  him, 
while  he  admitted  the  gravity  of  the  causes  for  such  a 
step. 

Morgan,  however,  adhered  to  his  resolution,  and  pre 
sented  to  Congress,  a  few  days  after,  the  following  from 
the  commander-in-chief  : 

"  To  the  PRESIDENT  OF  CONGRESS. 

Sir: — Colonel  Morgan,  of  the  Virginia  line,  who  waits 
on  Congress  with  his  resignation,  will  have  the  honor  of 
delivering  this  to  you.  I  cannot,  in  justice,  avoid  men- 


HARD   SERVICE   AND    NO    LAURELS.  145 

tioiring  him  as  a  very  valuable  officer,  who  has  rendered  a 
series  of  important  services,  and  distinguished  himself  on 
several  occasions. 

"  1  am,  sir,  very  respectfully, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"  GEO.  WASHINGTON." 


XV.— 1778-1779. 
AKNOLD   AT  PHILADELPHIA. 

A  IN  OLD,  by  this  time,  was  moving  swiftly  to  the 
consummation  of  his  villainies.  After  the  "  Sur 
render,"  October  1777,  he  had  lain  some  months  in  hos 
pital,  at  Albany,  with  his  shattered  limb.  Here  he  ac 
cepted  and  appropriated  the  compliments  of  General  Bur- 
goyne  for  his  bravery  and  military  skill,  especially  in  tlie 
action  of  the  19th  September,  of  which  he  got  the  whole 
credit. 

Congress  had  so  far  relented  as  to  permit  Washington 
to  commission  him  to  the  full  rank  for  which  he  had  so 
valiantly  contended  with  that  body.  There  is  little  doubt 
that  the  injustice  of  Gates  toward  Arnold  still  further 
quickened  the  sympathies  of  the  commander-in-chief,  who 
accompanied  the  commission  with  a  letter  saying,  "  As  soon 
as  your  situation  will  permit,  I  request  you  will  repair  to 
this  army,  it  being  my  earnest  wish  to  have  your  services 
the  ensuing  campaign." 

In  the  spring  of  1778,  he  journeyed  homeward  to  New 
Haven.  Near  that  place,  he  received  unmistakable  de 
monstrations  of  the  public  appreciation  of  his  services, 
being  met  and  escorted  into  the  town  by  several  military 
companies  with  leading  citizens,  while  his  arrival  was 
announced  by  thirteen  discharges  of  cannon.  He  received 
while  here  a  further  compliment  from  Washington,  in  the 
gift  of  a  handsome  set  of  epaulettes  and  sword  knot,  "as 
a  testimony  of  sincere  regard  and  approbation  of  his  con 
duct."  These  had  been  sent  to  Washington  from  one  of 


AKKOLD   AT  PHILADELPHIA.  147 

his  French  admirers,  with  the  request  that  he  would  wear 
one,  and'  present  the  other  to  any  gentleman  he  might 
select. 

At  the  end  of  May  1778,  Arnold  joined  Washington  at 
Valley  Forge.  The  condition  of  his  wound  still  forbidding 
active  service,  Washington  decided  to  appoint  him  to  the 
command  at  Philadelphia,  as  soon  as  the  British  should 
evacuate  it. 

A  more  injudicious  appointment  was,  perhaps,  never 
made.  Nothing  could  more  forcibly  illustrate  how  com 
pletely  Washington's  eyes  were  holden  in  regard  to  Arnold's 
character  and  qualifications.  A  military  commandant  was 
scarcely  necessary,  as  only  a  handful  of  militia  remained 
in  the  city  ;  but,  otherwise,  the  post  involved  the  settle 
ment  of  the  nicest  and  most  intricate  questions,  requiring 
the  utmost  tact,  delicacy,  judgment  and  integrity. 

During  the  British  occupation  of  Philadelphia,  many  of 
doubtful  patriotism  had  flocked  thither,  and  still  re 
mained,  holding  large  quantities  of  merchandise ;  this 
naturally  led  to  disputed  ownership  and  gave  opportunities 
for  fraudulent  transactions. 

The  difficulty  was  further  complicated  by  the  indefina 
ble  powers  of  the  military  commander.  How  far  did  his 
authority  extend,  and  where  clash  with  the  civil  govern 
ment  of  Pennsylvania,  whose  laws  its  citizens  were  bound 
to  obey  ? 

Arnold's  instructions  from  Washington  could  only  be 
expressed  in  general  terms,  leaving  far  too  much  to  his 
own  discretion  in  their  execution. 

His  proclamation  upon  entering  the  city,  prohibiting  the 
sale  of  any  and  all  goods  until  a  joint  committee  of  Con 
gress  and  Pennsylvania  should  decide  their  ownership, 
brought  upon  him  at  once  an  odium  that  his  haughtiness 
and  arrogance  could  only  increase. 

Before  a  month,  this  restless  spirit  conceived  a  sudden 
design  of  obtaining  the  command  of  the  navy,  and  with 


148  ARNOLD   AT     PHILADELPHIA. 

that  intent  wrote  to  consult  the  commander-in-chief,  say 
ing  that  his  friends  had  proposed  such  a  position  for  him. 

The  Chief,  in  reply,  declined  to  advise  him  in  the  mat 
ter,  urging  his  ignorance  of  naval  concerns. 

As  there  is  nowhere  any  record  of  any  such  offer  being 
suggested  for  or  made  to  Arnold,  except  in  this  letter  to 
Washington,  it  was  doubtless  a  matter  of  his  own  inven 
tion,  and  he  thought  to  obtain  the  influence  of  Washing 
ton  to  further  his  plans. 

He  was  most  likely  induced  to  the  project  by  avarice — 
it  opened  a  fine  prospect  of  rich  prizes  and  plunder. 
Money  was  becoming  an  absolute  necessity,  for  he  was 
at  this  time  in  the  greatest  pecuniary  straits. 

In  assuming  the  command  of  the  city,  he  had  installed 
himself  in  a  style  of  splendid  extravagance,  out  of  all 
proportion  to  his  revenues.  He  took  a  handsome  house, 
formerly  the  Penn  mansion,  furnished  it  extravagantly, 
and  drove  a  coach  and  four.  When  the  French  Ambassa 
dor  arrived  in  Philadelphia,  he  and  his  suite  were  Ar 
nold's  guests  for  some  time. 

Likewise,  he  had  married  the  young  and  beautiful 
daughter  of  Mr.  Edwin  Shippen,  afterwards  Chief  Justice 
of  Pennsylvania — pronounced  royalists.  The  lady  had 
been  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  the  British  officers  during 
their  occupation  of  the  city;  she  had  adorned  the  f£te  of 
the  Mischianza,  inaugurated  in  honor  of  the  departing 
heroes,  and  afterwards  corresponded  with  Major  Andre. 
Social  relations,  so  intimate,  with  the  royalist  circles  of 
Philadelphia,  doubtless  gave  stimulus  and  direction  to 
Arnold's  villainy. 

A  few  months  after  the  "naval "project  subsided,  Ar 
nold  conceived  a  design  of  obtaining  a  grant  of  land  in 
Western  New  York,  as  a  place  of  settlement  for  officers 
and  soldiers  who  had  served  under  him,  and  others — who 
soever  would.  It  received  the  sanction  and  favor  of  some 
of  the  best  men  of  that  State  ;  but  this  project  necessitated 


ARNOLD    AT   PHILADELPHIA.  149 

a  genius  for  building  up — creating  something — bringing 
something  to  pass.  Arnold's  genius  was  one  of  destruc 
tion  only;  he  could  only  pull  down  and  destroy.  The 
scheme  fell  through.  What  was  wrapped  up  in  that  pro 
ject  no  man  knows.  Most  likely  it  was  a  presentiment  of 
such  treason  as  that  subsequently  attempted  by  Aaron 
Burr. 

From  the  time  of  Arnold's  arrival  in  Philadelphia,  he 
had  been  involved  in  constant  disputes  and  difficulties 
with  the  "Council  of  Pennsylvania,"  which  resulted,  seven 
months  after,  about  January  1779,  in  the  passage  by  that 
body  of  a  severe  public  censure  upon  his  conduct.  The 
Attorney  General  was  directed  to  prosecute  him  in  their 
courts  of  law  for  his  illegal  and  oppressive  acts. 

As  Arnold  was  a  United  States  officer,  it  was  thought 
proper  to  appeal  to  Congress,  and  accordingly  they  laid 
their  charges  before  that  body.  These  documents  were  in 
time  referred  to  a  "committee  of  inquiry,"  who  vindi 
cated  Arnold  from  all  criminality  on  the  charges  brought 
before  them.  But  it  came  to  be  known  that  the  "  Con 
gressional  Committee  "  had  not  received  the  full  testimony 
offered  by  the  "Council  of  Pennsylvania,"  so  that  their 
report  was  not  accepted  by  Congress,  but  referred  anew 
to  another  joint  committee  of  the  two  bodies. 

The  affair  dragged  on  for  months,  and  it  was  finally 
proposed  to  refer  it  to  the  commander-in -chief  and  to  a 
military  tribunal. 

Arnold  considered  himself  very  unhandsomely  dealt 
with  by  Congress,  which  had  declined  to  confirm  the 
acquittal  of  their  own  "Committee,"  and  he  charged  them 
with  sacrificing  him  to  maintain  amicable  relations  with 
the  "Council  of  Pennsylvania." 

The  court-martial  was  about  to  assemble,  June  1st, 
1779,  at  Middlebrook,  when  the  British  army  threatened  a 
movement  upon  the  Hudson,  or,  it  might  be,  into  the 
Jersoys  ;  the  court  was  adjourned. 


150  ARNOLD   AT   PHILADELPHIA. 

Arnold  had,  by  permission  of  Washington,  resigned  his 
command  some  months  before  ;  he,  however,  still  retained 
his  commission  and  continued  to  reside  in  Philadelphia. 

Detested  by  the  always  keen-sighted  populace,  he  was 
one  day  assaulted  in  the  streets  by  a  mob.  He  immedi 
ately  complained  to  Congress  and  requested  that  body  to 
order  him  a  guard  of  continental  troops,  adding,  "this 
request,  I  presume,  will  not  be  denied  to  a  man  who  has 
so  often  fought  and  bled  in  the  defence  of  the  liberties  of 
his  country." 

Congress  declined  to  interfere,  and  referred  him  to  the 
civil  authorities  of  Pennsylvania  for  redress.  He  renewed 
his  request  for  a  guard  of  twenty  men,  declaring  that  his 
life  was  in  danger  from  a  "  mad,  ignorant,  deluded  rabble," 
again  reminding  them  of  his  rank  and  services.  Congress 
turned  a  deaf  ear  to  the  wily  Pisistratus. 


xvL— mo-mo. 

THE   COURT-MARTIAL. 

r  I  ^HE  fall  of  1779  wore  away  in  military  maneuvres,  and 
JL     in  the  winter  Washington  announced  that  a  court- 
martial  would  assemble  December  20.     It  sat  until  Janu 
ary  26th,  1780,  when  it  pronounced  its  verdict. 

Arnold's  defence  of  himself  was  "  vigorous,  elaborate 
and  characteristic,"  especially  when  he  made  his  usual 
parade  of  his  "  patriotism,  services,  sacrifices  and  wounds, 
and  enumerated  his  real  and  imaginary  wrongs."  This 
over-done,  weakened  the  force  of  his  arguments,  and  it 
was  clearly  seen  how  adroitly  he  maneuvred  to  divert  the 
attention  of  the  court  from  essential  to  irrelevant  points. 
He  spoke  thus  :  "  When  the  present  necessary  war  with 
Great  Britain  commenced,  I  was  in  easy  circumstances, 
happy  in  domestic  connections,  blessed  with  a  rising  family 
who  claimed  my  care  and  attention.  The  liberties  of  my 
country  were  in  danger.  She  called  on  all  her  faithful 
sons  to  join  in  her  defence.  I  obeyed  the  call.  I  sacri 
ficed  domestic  ease  and  happiness  to  the  service  of  my 
country,  and  in  her  service  have  I  sacrificed  a  great  part 
of  a  handsome  fortune.  I  was  one  of  the  first  in  the 
field,  and  from  that  time  to  the  present  hour  I  have  not 
abandoned  her  service.  My  time,  my  person  and  my 
fortune  have  been  devoted  to  my  country  in  this  war,  and 
if  the  sentiments  of  those  who  are  supreme  in  the  United 
States  in  civil  and  military  affairs  have  any  weight,  my 
time,  my  fortune  and  my  person  have  not  been  devoted  in 
vain.  *  *  *  *  I  have  often  bled  in  this  service ;  the 


152  THE  COURT-MARTIAL. 

marks  that  I  bear  are  sufficient  evidence  of  my  conduct. 
The  impartial  public  will  judge  of  my  services,,  and  whe 
ther  the  returns  I  have  met  with  are  not  tinctured  with 
the  basest  ingratitude."  He  bitterly  denounced  his  per 
secutors,  as  he  was  pleased  to  call  his  prosecutors,  and 
added  :  "In  the  hour  of  danger,  when  the  affairs  of 
America  wore  a  gloomy  aspect,  when  our  illustrious  Gen 
eral  was  retreating  through  New  Jersey  with  a  handful 
of  men,  I  did  not  propose  to  my  associates  basely  to  quit 
the  General  and  sacrifice  the  cause  of  my  country  to  my 
personal  safety,  by  going  over  to  the  enemy  and  making 
my  peace." 

Says  Sparks  :  "  The  boastfulness  and  malignity  of  these 
declarations  are  obvious  enough ;  but  their  consummate 
hypocrisy  can  be  understood  only  by  knowing  the  fact  that, 
at  the  moment  they  were  uttered,  he  had  been  eight  months 
in  secret  correspondence  with  the  enemy,  and  was  prepared, 
when  the  first  opportunity  should  offer,  to  desert  and  be 
tray  his  country."  Notwithstanding  this  elaborate  defence, 
the  court  found  him  guilty  of  two  of  the  four  charges, 
and  sentenced  him  to  be  reprimanded  by  the  commander- 
in-chief. 

The  language  of  Washington  was  preserved  by  M.  Mar- 
bois,  secretary  of  the  French  legation  :  "Our  profession 
is  the  chastest  of  all.  The  shadow  of  a  fault  tarnishes 
our  most  brilliant  actions.  The  least  inadvertence  may 
cause  us  to  lose  that  public  favor  which  is  so  hard  to  be 
gained.  I  reprimand  you  for  having  forgotten  that,  in 
proportion  as  you  had  rendered  yourself  formidable  to  our 
enemies,  you  should  have  shown  moderation  to  our 
citizens.  Exhibit  again  those  splendid  qualities  which 
have  placed  you  in  the  rank  of  our  most  distinguished 
generals.  As  far  as  it  shall  be  in  my  power,  I  will  myself 
furnish  you  with  opportunities  for  regaining  the  esteem 
which  you  have  formerly  enjoyed." 

Washington's  tenderness  and  delicacy  were  as  pearls 


THE    COURT-MARTIAL.  153 

thrown  to  swine.  He  received  the  reprimand  with  sullen 
reserve,  and  from  this  time  devoted  himself  to  such  matur 
ing  of  his  treasonable  designs  as  should  bring  him  the 
largest  pecuniary  results.  He  asked  leave  of  absence  for 
the  summer,  on  the  plea  of  attending  to  his  private  affairs, 
but  continued  to  reside  in  Philadelphia.  He  was  at  that 
time  concerned  in  petty  speculations,  privateering  enter 
prises  and  commercial  ventures,  in  which  he  had  his  usual 
ill-luck — "the  losses  outweighing  the  profits."  Also, 
shortly  after  the  trial,  he  again  pressed  Congress  for  a 
settlement  of  his  old  disputed  accounts,  with  such 
effrontery  as  to  confirm  his  enemies  in  their  disgusts  and 
wear  out  the  patience  of  his  friends.  His  claims  were 
not  allowed. 

His  next  move  was  to  offer  himself  for  sale  to  the  French 
envoy,  M.  de  la  Luzerne.  That  minister,  taking  the  pub 
lic  estimate  of  his  distinguished  services,  had  treated  him 
with  great  kindness  even  after  the  censure  of  the  court- 
martial.  Arnold  wished  to  turn  the  Frenchman's  ameni 
ties  into  cash,  and  to  that  end  he  unbosomed  himself 
without  reserve,  making  the  usual  parade  of  his  "  services, 
sacrifices  and  wounds,  the  ingratitude  of  his  country,  the 
injustice  of  Congress,  and  the  malice  of  his  enemies." 

The  war,  he  said,  had  swamped  his  fortunes ;  he  was 
harassed  by  his  creditors,  and,  unless  he  could  effect  a 
loan  to  the  amount  of  his  debts,  he  should  be  compelled  to 
quit  his  profession  from  poverty.  He  set  before  the  min 
ister  the  great  advantage  that  would  accrue  to  his  sov 
ereign,  the  French  king,  to  secure  to  his  service  an  Ameri 
can  general  of  a  rank  and  influence  so  high  as  his. 

The  Frenchman  was  a  man  of  clean  hands  and  noble 
sentiments  ;  he  listened  to  the  American  with  pain,  and 
frankly  answered  :  "You  desire  of  me  a  service  which  it 
would  be  easy  for  me  to  render,  but  which  would  degrade 
us  both.  When  the  envoy  of  a  foreign  power  gives,  or,  if 
you  will,  lends  money,  it  is  ordinarily  to  corrupt  those 


154  THE    COURT-MARTIAL. 

who  receive  it,  and  to  make  them  the  creatures  of  the 
sovereign  whom  he  serves  ;  or,  rather,  he  corrupts  without 
persuading  ;  he  buys  and  does  not  secure. 

"But  the  firm  league  entered  into  between  the  King 
and  the  United  States,  is  the  work  of  justice  and  of  the 
wisest  policy.  It  has  for  its  basis,  a  reciprocal  interest 
and  good  will.  In  the  mission  with  which  I  am  charged, 
my  true  glory  consists,  in  fulfilling  it  without  intrigue  or 
cabal  ;  without  resorting  to  secret  practices,  and  by  the 
force  alone  of  the  conditions  of  the  alliance." 

Furthermore,  hoping  to  win  back  to  paths  of  duty  and 
rectitude  so  illustrious  a  soldier,  he  "  addressed  him  in  the 
language  of  expostulation  and  advice,  reminding  him  that 
murmurs  and  resentments  at  the  acts  of  public  bodies  and 
the  persecutions  of  political  opponents,  were  evidences  of 
a  weak  rather  than  of  a  great  mind,  resting  on  its  own 
dignity  and  power,  and  that  a  consciousness  of  innocence 
was  his  best  support.  He  recurred  to  the  renown  of  his 
former  exploits,  appealed  to  his  sense  of  patriotism  and 
honor,  his  love  of  glory,  and  represented  in  the  most  attrac 
tive  colors  the  wide  field  of  action  yet  before  him,  if  he 
would  suppress  his  anger,  bear  his  troubles  with  fortitude, 
and  unite  heart  and  hand  with  his  compatriots  in  the 
great  work  in  which  he  had  already  labored  with  so  much 
credit  to  himself,  and  benefit  to  his  country."  * 

The  pitch  of  such  sentiments  was  away  above  and  out 
of  Arnold's  inner  sense  of  hearing ;  the  one  only  thing  he 
wanted  was  money.  The  advice  of  the  French  minister 
was  not  appreciated,  and  Arnold  left  him,  indignant  at 
his  ill  success,  and  at  the  rebuff  he  had  received. 

Arnold's  talents  show  to  the  highest  advantage  in  the 
matter  of  the  treason  ;  in  devising  mischiefs  he  was  in  his 
element.  The  plan  was  matured  with  skill,  caution,  de 
liberation,  and  matchless  ability,  up  to  a  certain  point ; 
for  at  the  last,  always,  "the  devil  is  an  ass." 
*  Sparks'  Life  of  Arnold. 


THE    COURT-MARTIAL.  155 

He  had  been  for  eighteen  months  in  communication 
with  the  enemy  under  assumed  names.  The  correspond 
ence  with  Major  Andre,  still  maintained  by  Mrs.  Arnold 
after  her  marriage,,  afforded  facilities  which  Arnold  so 
managed  as  not  even  to  excite  her  suspicions.  Through 
this  channel  he  communicated  directly  with  Sir  Henry 
Clinton.  He  was  in  British  pay,  and  had  already  fur 
nished  valuable  information. 

It  was  now  midsummer  of  1780,  and  certain  movements 
of  the  French  and  English  fleets,  newly  arrived  in  our 
waters,  made  it  desirable  to  consummate  the  treason. 

We  have  already  explained  that  from  the  commencement 
of  hostilities,  the  possession  of  the  Hudson  Kiver  had  been 
the  supreme  object  of  the  British.  Arnold's  supreme 
necessity  was  money,  and  he  knew  that  West  Point  would 
bring  the  largest  price  in  the  British  market ;  this  booty, 
so  rich,  he  hoped  might  be  further  enhanced  by  the  be 
trayal  into  the  enemy's  hands  of  the  person  of  his  friend 
and  benefactor,  the  commander-in-chief.* 

*.Tlie  following  letter  from  tlie  chivalrous  young  Laurens  ex 
presses  the  sentiment  of  the  day  on  this  point : 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  October  4,  1780. 

"Sir : — With  the  triumph  of  a  republican  and  the  more  tender 
emotions  of  one  who  sincerely  loves  his  General,  I  congratulate  your 
Excellency  on  your  late  providential  escape.  I  congratulate  my 
country,  whose  safety  is  so  intimately  united  with  yours,  and  who 
may  regard  this  miraculous  rescue  of  her  champion,  as  an  assurance 
that  Heaven  approves  her  choice  of  a  defender,  and  is  propitious  to 
her  cause.  In  fact,  all  the  ascendency  that  could  be  given  by  virtue, 
genius  and  valor,  would  only  have  furnished  a  deplorable  example 
of  unfortunate  merit,  if,  by  the  Divine  interposition,  you  had  not 
prevailed  over  the  most  impenetrable  perfidy  that  has  yet  disgraced 
mankind.  This  happy  event  must  inspire  every  virtuous  citizen  of 
America  with  new  confidence,  and  transfix  her  enemies  with  awful 
terror.  I  need  not  inform  your  Excellency,  how  I  have  languished 
in  so  long  a  separation  from  you,  and  how  anxious  I  am  to  assure 
you,  in  person,  of  the  veneration  and  attachment  of  your  faithful  aid, 

"JOHN  LAURENS." 


156  THE    COURT-MARTIAL. 

Such  were  the  relations  between  Arnold  and  Washing;- 

o 

ton,  that  it  was  only  to  ask  and  have ;  he  therefore  ad 
dressed  himself  at  once  to  obtain  the  command  of  that 
post. 

He  had  up  to  this  time  pleaded  the  state  of  his  wounds, 
in  justification  of  his  long  furlough  from  active  service. 
He  now  suddenly  represented  himself  ready  and  solicitous 
to  resume  military  duty.  Washington,  from  certain  in 
dications,  anticipating  a  stirring  campaign,  intended  to 
give  him  command  of  the  left  wing  of  the  army,  hoping 
he  would  here  find  an  opportunity  to  retrieve  his  popularity 
by  some  brilliant  stroke.  Arnold  at  first  maneuvred  in 
directly  through  Schuyler  and  Livingston  to  obtain  the 
coveted  command,  but  Washington  esteemed  the  post  he 
had  assigned  him,  so  important  and  honorable,  that  he 
declined  to  act  upon  their  suggestions.  Meantime  Arnold 
arrived  at  headquarters,  and  learning  from  General  Tilgh- 
man  of  his  appointment  to  the  left  wing,  his  countenance 
fell.  He  seemed  embarrassed  and  ill  at  ease.  He  sought 
the  commander-in-chief  and  represented  to  him  that  his 
wounds  still  disabled  him  from  field  service,  and  that  at 
West  Point  only,  could  he  do  himself  justice  and  his 
country  service. 

Washington  was  puzzled.  He  could  not  comprehend 
how  a  man  of  Arnold's  temperament  and  enthusiasm, 
should  decline  a  post  that  oifered  active  service  and  rare 
opportunity  for  his  special  abilities,  and  ask  for  one  of 
quiet  garrison  duty,  with  no  prospect  of  enterprise  or 
glory. 

Not  a  shadow  of  suspicion,  however,  seems  to  have 
crossed  his  mind,  and  being  convinced  that  Arnold  really 
desired  it,  he  made  out  his  instructions  August  3d,  1780, 
and  Arnold  immediately  assumed  command  at  West  Point. 
This  included  all  the  fortifications  in  the  Highlands. 

"  Four  years  before,  Washington  had  sailed  between 
the  Highlands  where  nature  blends  mountains  and  valleys. 


THE   COURT-MABTIAL.  157 

and  the  deep  river  in  exceeding  beauty;  and  he  had 
selected  for  fortification  the  points  best  adapted  to  com 
mand  the  passage.  Now  it  was  covered  with  fortresses 
and  artillery.  Fort  Defiance  alone  was  defended  by  a 
hundred  and  twenty  pieces  of  cannon,  and  was  believed 
to  be  impregnable.  Here  were  magazines  of  powder  and 
ammunition,  completely  filled,  for  the  use  not  only  of  that 
post,  but  of  the  whole  army.  These  fortifications  seem 
ingly  represented  a  vast  outlay  of  money.  With  prodi 
gious  labor,  huge  trunks  of  trees,  and  enormous  hewn 
stones  were  piled  up  on  steep  rocks. 

"  All  this  had  been  done  without  cost  to  the  state,  by 
the  hands  of  American  soldiers  who  were  pervaded  by  a 
spirit  as  enthusiastic  and  as  determined  as  that  of  the 
bravest  and  most  cultivated  of  their  leaders.  These  works, 
of  which  every  stone  was  a  monument  of  humble  disin 
terested  patriotism,  were  to  be  betrayed  to  the  enemy,  with 
all  their  garrisons."  * 

Clinton  caught  eagerly  at  the  prospect  of  so  magnificent 
a  prize  as  West  Point,  with  its  opulent  military  magazines, 
cannon,  garrisons,  vessels,  boats,  and  stores.  The  home 
ministry  as  eagerly  supported  him,  directing  him  to  incur 
any  expense  within  reason,  for  the  successful  issue  of  the 
gigantic  scheme. 

*  Bancroft,  Vol.  X. 


,  « 


xvn.— mo. 

TEEASON. 

"  Being  remiss,  most  generous,  and  free  from  all  contriving." 

HAMLET. 

AxFD  now,  the  treason  having  taken  shape,  Arnold 
drew  across  its  "  blackness  of  darkness,"  a  line  of 
sudden  radiance ; — himself  selected  the  costly  victim  to 
adorn  the  odious  tragedy  about  to  be  enacted.  He  de 
manded  that  Andre,  the  grace  and  idol  of  Clinton's  army, 
whom  Sir  Henry  loved  as  his  own  son,  should  be  sent  to 
consummate  the  foul  treachery, — Andre,  whose  name  for 
all  knightly  virtues  and  accomplishments,  might  have 
gone  down  the  ages  linked  with  that  of  Sir  Philip  Sidney, 
had  he,  like  him,  given  his  life  in  the  cause  of  human 
liberty.  But  alack!  he  could  urge  nothing  but  "  an 
honest  zeal  in  the  service  of  his  king,"*  and  the  success 
ful  issue  of  the  affair  was  to  bring  him  rank  and  emolu 
ment.  Without  duplicity,  or  even  ordinary  caution, 
Andre  was  the  last  man  to  be  sent  upon  such  an  errand, 
and  it  is  certain  that  he  did  not  seek  the  service. 

Clinton  had  dispatched  him  upon  his  dangerous  mission 
with  three  distinct  charges  :  not  to  pass  within  the 
American  lines;  not  to  change  his  dress,  and  upon  no 
account  to  take  papers.  Arnold  compelled  him  to  all 
three. 

The  British  ship  "Vulture"  had  been  sent  up  the  Hud 
son  and  anchored  oif  Tellers  Point,  to  facilitate  the  affair. 

*  Letters  to  General  Washington  and  Sir  Henry  Clinton. 


TREASON".  159 

Dobb's  Ferry  had  been  first  designated  as  the  place  of  meet 
ing.  Andre  arriving  there  and  finding  no  message  or  messen 
ger  from  Arnold,  afterwards  ascended  the  river  and  reached 
the  "Vulture"  at  7  o'clock  on  the  evening  of  September  20. 

He  confidently  expected  to  meet  Arnold  there  the  same 
night,  "  according  to  the  tenor  of  his  letter  "  ;  but  that 
co ward- villain  had  no  intention  of  coming  on  board  the 
"Vulture."  He  had  resolved  that  Andre  and  not  he, 
should  take  the  risks  of  the  meeting. 

Andre  waited  anxiously  through  the  night,  and  in  the 
morning  dispatched  a  letter  to  Sir  Henry,  in  rather  de 
spondent  tone,  "  saying  that  this  was  the  second  excur 
sion  he  had  made  without  any  ostensible  reason,  and  a 
third  would  infallibly  fix  suspicions.  He  thought  it  best, 
therefore,  to  stay  where  he  was,  under  pretence  of  sick 
ness,  and  try  further  expedients."  An  opportunity  oc 
curred  the  next  day  to  send  a  letter  ashore  under  flag.  It 
reached  Arnold  safely,  and  he  now  addressed  himself  to 
arrange  for  bringing  Andre  on  shore. 

Arnold  had  no  accomplice — he  bore  the  whole  burden 
of  infamy  alone — but  he  had  managed  to  win  to  sundry 
nefarious  transactions,  a  man  named  Joshua  Smith.  See 
ing  his  susceptibility  as  a  tool,  Arnold  had  flattered  him 
with  civilities,  invited  him  to  headquarters,  etc.  Smith 
served  him,  and  asked  no  questions. 

The  difficulty  was  to  get  two  boatmen  willing  to  go 
with  Smith  at  midnight,  with  muffled  oars,  to  the  "  Vul 
ture."  Two  brothers  named  Colquhoun  were  selected, 
but  they  stoutly  refused,  saying  they  would  willingly  go 
by  daylight  under  flag,  but  declined  the  night  service. 
Arnold  argued  Avith  them  that  the  morning  would  be  too 
late — there  was  a  gentleman  on  board  whom  he  must  see 
immediately  upon  business  of  highest  importance  to  the 
public  interest,  and  they  were  no  patriots  if  they  refused 
their  services.  They  still  drew  back.  Further  appeals  to 
their  patriotism  failed  ;  the  men  were  obdurate. 


160  TREASON. 

Arnold,  at  last,  threatened  to  put  them  under  arrest,  as 
disaffected  to  their  country's  cause.  They  then  consented 
to  obey  Ms  orders.  He  promised  them  fifty  pounds  of 
flour  as  an  encouragement,  which,  it  is  almost  needless  to 
add,  they  never  received. 

At  midnight  of  the  21st  a  boat  with  muffled  oars  ap 
proached  the  "  Vulture,"  and  a  letter  signified  to  Andre 
that  lie  was  expected  to  come  ashore.  It  illustrates  An 
dre's  character,  that  he  at  once  prepared  to  comply  with 
the  summons,  with  no  security  for  his  safety  but  "the 
word  of  a  man  who  was  seeking  to  betray  his  country." 
"  Remissness  "  could  go  no  further. 

He  was  strongly  dissuaded  from  so  doing  ;  but  such  was 
his  eagerness  to  accomplish  the  object,  that  he  seemed 
indifferent  to  the  risks  of  such  a  step. 

He  wore  his  uniform,  but  over  it  a  blue  overcoat,  which 
concealed  all.  He  entered  the  boat,  and  the  oarsmen 
rowed,  a  silent  party,  to  the  shore,  called  Long  Clove,  on 
the  western  bank  of  the  river,  about  six  miles  below  Stony 
Point. 

It  was  the  precise  point  that  Arnold  had  designated,  and, 
in  a  few  moments  after  the  boat  touched  the  river  side, 
Smith  and  Andre  groped  their  way  up  the  bank  through 
the  darkness  and  found  the  traitor  concealed  in  a  clump 
of  thick  bushes.  Smith  returned  to  the  boat  at  Arnold's 
'request,  but  full  of  vexation  and  disgust,  as  he  expected 
to  be  present  at  the  interview,  after  the  trouble  it  had  cost 
him  to  bring  the  parties  together. 

Some  hours  passed.  'The  honest  oarsmen  slept  heavily, 
but  a  troubled  conscience  kept  Smith  uneasy  and  wake 
ful.  With  the  first  streak  of  dawn  he  approached  and 
admonished  Arnold  that  the  boat  must  leave  its  present 
station  before  day. 

But  the  affair  was  yet  far  from  concluded.  Arnold 
gave  consent  for  the  boat  to  return  up  the  river,  and  he, 
with  Andre,  mounted  horses  which  had  been  provided 


TBEASOK.  161 

and  rode  several  miles  to  Smith's  house.  "It  was  still 
dark,  and  the  voice  of  the  sentinel,  demanding  the  counter 
sign,  was  the  first  intimation  to  Andre  that  he  was  within 
the  American  lines.  "  *  Marshall  also  says,  that  Andre  had 
peremptorily  refused  to  be  carried  within  the  American 
lines  ;  but  the  promise  made  him  by  Arnold,  to  respect 
this  objection,  was  not  observed.  Andre  was  startled, 
and  perfectly  realized  the  peril  of  his  situation.  It  was 
too  late,  however,  except  to  nerve  himself  to  meet  the 
exigency  now  upon  him. 

Their  consultations  were  resumed  upon  arriving  at 
Smith's  house.  Shortly  after  daylight,  their  attention 
was  attracted  by  the  sound  of  a  cannonade,  and  Andre 
saw  from  his  windows,  with  anxious  heart,  the  "Vulture" 
hoist  anchor  and  drop  down  the  river  out  of  range  of  the 
shot  from  an  American  cannon  at  Verplanck's  Point. 

Before  noon  of  September  22d,  the  plot,  with  all  its 
conditions  and  details,  wai  consummated  and  ready  for 
execution.  The  day  was  fixed.  Much  of  these  details 
has  never  seen  the  light.  It  is  not  known  for  how  many 
pieces  of  silver  Arnold  agreed  to  sell  his  country.  But, 
as  avarice  was  his  stimulating  motive,  arid  the  prize  was 
of  priceless  value  to  the  purchaser,  the  sum  demanded 
by  Arnold  upon  the  successful  issue  of  the  plot,  must  have 
been  fabulous. 

The  business  concluded,  Andre's  concern  now  was  a 
safe  and  speedy  return  to  the  "  Vulture."  He  insisted 
that  he  should  be  put  on  board  of  the  "Vulture."  Ar 
nold  pretended  to  assent,  but  at  the  same  time  suggested 
many  objections  to  it,  and  advised  the  return  by  land  as 
much  safer.  Andre  adhered  to  his  determination  to  re 
turn  as  he  came.  This  could  not  be  accomplished  until 
nightfall. 

In  Andre's  own  account  of  his  capture,  he  says  :  "Arnold 
quitted  me,  having  himself  made  me  put  the  papers  I 
*  Sparks'  Life  of  Arnold. 


1G2  TREASON. 

bore,  between  my  stockings  and  feet.  Whilst  he  did  it, 
he  expressed  a  wish,  in  case  of  any  accident  befalling  me, 
that  they  should  be  destroyed ;  which  I  said  of  course 
would  be  the  case,  as  when  I  went  into  the  boat  I  should 
have  them  tied  about  with  a  string  and  a  stone.  Before 
we  parted,  some  mention  had  been  made  of  my  crossing 
the  river  and  going  another  route  ;  but  I  objected  much 
to  it,  and  thought  it  was  settled,  that  in  the  way  I  came, 
I  was  to  return." 

Arnold  left  Andre  about  eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
entered  his  barge  and  went  up  the  river  to  his  headquar 
ters.  It  was  just  here  that  the  gods  smote  him  blind,  and 
he  could  not  see  that  his  own  safety  and  that  of  the  whole 
affair  was  wrapped  up  in  the  personal  safety  and  assured 
return  of  Andre  to  New  York. 

The  extreme  caution  and  skill  which  had  characterized 
him  in  the  entire  conduct  of  the  treachery  up  to  this 
point,  seemed  suddenly  to  desert  him.  The  important 
documents  placed  by  him  in  Andre's  stockings  were  in 
Arnold's  undisguised  handwriting,  and  endorsed  by  him. 
Having,  as  he  thought,  secured  his  own  personal  safety, 
he,  with  a  blind  insensibility,  sent  Andre  to  his  doom. 

This  view  of  Arnold's  treachery  to  Andre  is  sustained 
by  Andre's  own  statements  in  his  letters  to  Washington 
and  to  Sir  Henry  Clinton.  To  Washington  he  wrote:  *  *  * 
"  I  came  up  in  the  '  Vulture '  man-of-war,  and  was  fetched 
from  the  ship  to  the  beach.  Being  here,  I  was  told  that 
the  approach  of  day  would  prevent  my  return,  and  that  I 
must  be  concealed  until  the  next  night.  I  was  in  my 
regimentals  and  had  fairly  risked  my  person.  Against  my 
stipulations,  my  intentions,  and  without  my  knowledge 
beforehand,  I  was  conducted  within  one  of  your  posts. 
Your  excellency  may  conceive  my  sensation  on  this  occa 
sion,  and  will  imagine  how  much  more  must  I  have  been 
affected,  by  a  refusal  to  reconduct  me  back  the  next  night 
as  I  had  been  brought. 


TREASON.  103 

"  Thus  become  a  prisoner,  I  had  to  concert  my  escape. 
I  quitted  my  uniform  and  was  passed  another  way  in  the 
night,  without  the  American  posts,  to  neutral  ground,  and 
informed  I  was  beyond  all  armed  parties,  and  left  to  press 
for  New  York.  Thus,  as  I  have  the  honor  to  relate,  was 
I  betrayed  into  the  vile  condition  of  an  enemy  in  disguise 
within  your  posts/' 

To  Sir  Henry  Clinton  he  wrote:  *  *  *  "The  events  of 
coming  within  the  enemy's  posts  and  of  changing  my 
dress,  which  led  to  my  present  situation,  were  contrary  to 
my  own  intentions,  as  they  were  to  your  orders  ;  and  the 
circuitous  route  which  I  took  to  return,  was  imposed  with 
out  alternative  upon  me." 

But  to  continue  : 

Upon  leaving  Andre,  Arnold  wrote  and  gave  to  Smith 
two  passports,  one  authorizing  him  to  go  by  water  and  the 
other  by  land.  A  third  passport  ran:  " Permit  Mr.  John 
Anderson  (Andre's  assumed  name)  to  pass  the  guards  to 
the  White  Plains,  or  below,"  etc.  This  last  was  the  one 
which  he  presented  to  his  three  captors. 

Andre  wearied  through  an  anxious  day,  and  at  sundown 
became  impatient  to  set  off.  What  were  his  feelings  upon 
learning  from  Smith  that  he  had  made  no  arrangements 
for  returning  to  the  "Vulture,"  and  that  he  had  no  inten 
tion  of  so  doing.  All  Andre's  entreaties  were  without 
avail,  and  nothing  remained  but  to  submit  to  the  hard 
necessity  of  his  situation  and  take  the  land  route. 

Arnold  had  impressed  upon  him  the  absolute  necessity 
of  changing  his  dress,  in  event  of  returning  by  land. 
Smith  therefore  furnished  him  a  citizen's  coat,  and  his 
military  coat  was  left  behind.  Arnold  had  even  lulled 
Smith's  suspicious  about  the  British  uniform,  by  repre 
senting  to  him,  that  it  was  the  pride  and  vanity  of 
"Anderson,"  who  wished  to  make  a  figure  as  a  man  of 
consequence,  and  had  borrowed  a  coat  from  a  military 
acquaintance. 


1 G4  TREASON. 

Smith  accompanied  him  to  within  a  short  distance  of 
White  Plains.  He  then  left  him  and  returned  to  report 
to  Arnold.  Every  school-boy  knows  the  rest:  how  Andre 
after  passing  all  the  American  lines,  through  the  dangerous 
neutral  ground,  had  almost  reached  the  first  British  post, 
when  three  poor,  obscure,  but  incorruptible  patriots — John 
Paulding,  David  Williams,  and  Isaac  Van  Wert— there, 
by  the  Eternal  decrees,  emerged  from  the  wayside  and 
called  the  handsome  horseman  to  halt. 

A  thorough  search  brought  all  to  light.  Andre's  rich 
offers  of  his  purse,  his  horse,  his  watch,  with  further 
rewards  and  honors  from  the  British  commander  at  New 
York,  failed  to  corrupt  his  captors. 

"  Thus  in  the  very  moment  when  one  of  the  most  dis 
tinguished  chiefs  of  the  American  army — a  man  celebrated 
throughout  the  world  for  his  brilliant  exploits — betrayed, 
out  of  a  base  vengeance,  the  country  he  had  served,  and 
sold  it  for  a  purse  of  gold,  three  common  soldiers  pre 
ferred  the  honest  to  the  useful,  and  fidelity  to  fortune."* 

Brought  to  trial,  Andre  preserved  a  most  noble  and 
dignified  deportment,  "  he  answered  every  question 
promptly,  discovered  no  embarrassment,  sought  no  dis 
guise,  stated  with  frankness  and  truth  everything  that 
related  to  himself,  and  used  no  words  to  explain,  palliate 
or  defend  any  part  of  his  conduct."  His  knightly  scorn 
of  a  lie  compelled  the  tragic  verdict  which  the  court  pro 
nounced  and  executed.  At  his  death,  the  lamentations 
of  his  enemies  mingled  with  the  wail  of  his  friends. 

Yet  Bancroft  well  says  :  "  His  king  did  right  in  offer 
ing  honorable  rank  to  his  brother,  and  in  giving  pensions 
to  his  mother  and  sisters;  but  not  in  raising  a  memorial 
to  his  name  in  Westminster  Abbey — such  honor  belongs 
to  other  enterprises  and  other  deeds.  The  tablet  has  no 
fit  place  in  a  sanctuary,  dear,  from  its  monuments,  to 
every  friend  of  genius  and  mankind." 

*  Botta's  American  Revolution. 


XVIIL— 1780,  1781. 
AKNOLD'S  SMALL  VILLAINIES. 

"  The  name  of  the  wicked  shall  rot." 


colossal,  even  in  crime,  overawes  us,  and  invests 
the  perpetrator  with  a  certain  dignity.  We  have 
therefore,  as  far  as  possible,  abridged  the  details  of  Ar 
nold's  great  villainy,  preferring  to  bring  to  the  front  his 
smaller  villainies.  He  has  been  too  much  estimated  by 
this  one  deed  of  shame  ;  too  much  regarded  as  a  fallen 
man.  He  did  not  fall.  His  brazen  impudence  blazed 
out  in  a  letter  of  threats  to  Washington,  as  soon  as  he 
had  reached  the  British  lines, — it  contained  these  words  : 
"I  beg  leave  to  assure  your  Excellency  that  I  am  actuated 
by  the  same  principle  which  has  ever  been  the  governing 
rule  of  my  conduct  in  this  unhappy  contest."  He  spoke 
better  than  he  knew. 

Colonel  Hamilton,  in  a  letter  to  Washington  immedi 
ately  following  the  treason,  writes  :  "  This  man  is  in  every 
sense  despicable.  In  addition  to  the  knavery  and  prosti 
tution  during  his  command  in  Philadelphia,  which  the 
late  seizure  of  his  papers  has  unfolded,  the  history  of  his 
command  at  West  Point,  is  a  history  of  little  as  well  as 
great  villainies.  He  practised  every  dirty  act  of  pecula 
tion,  and  even  stooped  to  connections  with  sutlers  of  the 
garrison  to  defraud  the  public." 

Immediately  upon  his  capture,  Andre,  not  regarding 
the  case  in  the  serious  light  it  afterwards  assumed,  and 
far  less  apprehending  the  fate  which  awaited  him,  seemed 
only  anxious  to  provide  for  Arnold's  safety. 


166  ARNOLD'S  SMALL  VILLAINIES. 

The  blundering  stupidity  of  the  commandant  of  the 
American  post  to  which  he  was  first  taken,  served  his 
generous  impulse,,  for  Andre  induced  him  to  dispatch  a 
messenger  up  the  river  to  inform  Arnold  that  the  man 
"Anderson"  had  been  captured. 

Arnold  received  the  intelligence  as  he  sat  at  breakfast 
table.  Comprehending  the  full  danger  that  menaced  him, 
he  stayed  no  longer  than  to  give  a  hurried  word  of  fare 
well  to  his  young  wife,  but  recently  a  mother,  and  fled  to 
take  refuge  on  board  the  "  Vulture,"  still  lying  anchored 
in  the  stream. 

Hiding  with  hot  speed  to  the  landing,  he  entered  a  boat 
and  ordered  the  oarsmen  to  push  out  from  the  shore.  Six 
rowers  promptly  obeyed  the  command.  Arnold  stimulated 
their  lusty  oar-strokes  with  a  promise  of  two  gallons  of 
rum  if  they  made  a  quick  passage  to  the  "Vulture,"  rep 
resenting  the  extreme  importance  of  the  business  to  be 
dispatched. 

He  passed  the  shore  batteries  in  safety,  by  waving  his 
white  handkerchief  as  a  flag,  and  arriving  on  board  the 
"Vulture"  announced  himself  to  Captain  Southerland. 
He  then  sent  for  the  leader  of  the  boatmen  to  come  into 
the  cabin,  when  he  informed  him  that  he  and  his  fellow- 
boatmen  were  prisoners. 

The  man  was  an  intelligent  and  spirited  fellow ;  he 
declared  they  were  no  prisoners,  that  they  had  come  on 
board  nnder  protection  of  a  flag,  and  he  turned  to  Captain 
Southerland  for  justice  and  honor.  The  British  sailor  felt 
extreme  disgust  at  the  affair,  and  though  he  could  not 
countermand  the  order  of  Arnold,  he  took  the  boatman's 
parole  and  allowed  him  to  go  ashore  for  clothes  and  money. 
On  their  arrival  at  New  York  the  following  day,  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  with  scorn  of  the  meanness,  at  once  set 
them  all  at  liberty.  British  honor  acquired  a  new  lustre 
from  Clinton  at  this  time. 

With  his  heart  full  of  anguish  at  the  impending  fate  of 


AKNOLD'S  SMALL  VILLAINIES.  167 

Andre,  and  humiliation  at  the  total  miscarriage  of  so 
magnificent  a  scheme,  it  was  distinctly  intimated  to  Clin 
ton,  from  the  highest  sources,  that  there  was  one  way,  and 
one  only,  to  save  Andre — that  was,  to  exchange  him  for 
the  traitor  Arnold.  He  wrung  his  own  heart  in  return 
ing  the  answer,  that  "  to  give  up  a  man  who  had  deserted 
from  the  enemy,  and  openly  espoused  the  king's  cause,  was 
such  a  violation  of  honor  and  of  every  military  principle, 
that  he  would  not  for  a  moment  entertain  the  idea."  An 
unspeakable  disgust  filled  the  mind  of  every  British  officer 
and  man  of  honor,  at  the  sight  of  this  betrayer  of  his 
country,  and  prime  cause  of  the  death  of  the  man  they 
idolized.  Yet  Clinton  was  compelled  to  give  him  the 
specified  high  rank  in  his  majesty's  army,  and  receive 
him  at  his  military  counsels.  British  officers  "  hated  to 
serve  with  him,  under  him,  or  over  him." 

Arnold  made  haste  to  present  also  his  claims  for  indem 
nity  for  loss  incurred  by  coming  over.  The  sum  de 
manded  was  between  thirty  and  forty  thousand  dollars. 
It  was  simply  obtaining  money  under  false  pretences,  for 
he  left  behind  nothing  but  debts,  and  his  creditors  were 
the  only  losers. 

To  the  American  cause,  his  defection  was  immense 
gain,  and  he  speedily  became  as  mischievous  and  pestilent 
to  British  interests  as  he  had  been  to  American. 

The  expectation  that  Arnold  would  have  an  extensive 
following  of  deserters,  was  doomed  to  disappointment. 
His  windy  and  audacious  addresses  to  the  American  people, 
and  to  the  American  army,  with  the  proffer  of  bounties 
of  English  gold,  failed  to  draw  a  single  officer  or  private 
from  their  country's  standards.  A  few  refugees  and  dis 
contented  spirits,  already  in  New  York,  were  given  him 
as  a  nucleus  for  a  regiment,  which  was  never  filled. 

He  took  all  his  native  impudence  with  him,  and,  net 
tled  by  his  failure,  ascribed  it  to  the  insufficient  bounty 
offered  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton;  passing  by  his  commander's 


168  ARNOLD'S  SMALL  VILLAINIES. 

authority,  he  wrote  himself  to  the  ministry,  urging  that 
the  bounty  be  increased.  It  was  done,  but  with  the  same 
ill  success.  The  more  honorable  to  those  he  sought  to 
corrupt,  as  at  that  time  the  continental  currency  was  at 
its  worst. 

Also,  in  his  letters  to  the  ministry,  he  had  greatly  mis 
represented  the  real  status  of  American  affairs,  stating 
that  the  resources  of  Congress  were  utterly  exhausted, 
notwithstanding  the  late  favorable  alliance  with  the 
French  ;  that  the  cause  was  becoming  more  and  more 
unpopular  with  the  people,  who  ardently  desired  a  recon 
ciliation  with  England,  etc.  So  eager  were  the  ministry 
at  this  time  to  listen  to  any  word  of  hope,  that  they 
greedily  swallowed  the  assurance  of  a  man  who  had  stood 
so  high  in  military  councils  from  the  very  beginning  of 
the  war,  and  had  so  eminently  enjoyed  the  confidence  of 
the  commander-in-chief.  It  caused  the  ministry  to  relax 
their  eiforts  at  the  very  moment  when  they  should  have 
renewed  them,  to  the  manifest  detriment  of  Clinton's 
military  plans. 

It  was,  perhaps,  the  first  real  service  he  had  performed 
for  his  country.  Furthermore,  his  restive  ambition  led 
him  again  to  pass  the  authority  of  his  commander  General 
Clinton,  and  he  wrote  to  Germain  submitting  a  plan  by 
which  West  Point  might  be  taken  with  ease,  if  not  by  a 
coup-de-main,  yet  by  a  few  days  regular  attack.  This 
caused  Lord  Germain  to  prick  the  sides  of  Clinton's  mili 
tary  intent,  in  a  manner  that  implied  "  censure,  either 
upon  his  discernment  or  his  enterprise." 

Clinton  returned  for  answer,  that  the  scheme  was  vis 
ionary  and  impracticable  with  the  present  strength  and 
vigilance  of  the  so-recently-menaced  posts,  and  concluded  : 
"As  to  Major-General  Arnold's  opinion,  I  can  only  say 
that,  whatever  he  may  have  represented  to  your  Lordship, 
nothing  he  has  yet  communicated  to  me,  has  convinced 
me  that  the  rebel  posts  in  the  Highlands  can  be  reduced 


169 

by  a  'few  days'  regular  attack.'  But,  if  lie  convinces  me 
now  that  such  a  thing  is  practicable  (for  to  fail  would  be 
death  to  our  cause  in  the  present  state  of  the  war),  I  shall 
most  likely  be  induced  to  make  the  attempt.  I  have, 
therefore,  required  that  general  officer  to  send  his  plan  of 
operation  to  me  without  delay,  and  to  follow,  or  accom 
pany  it,  himself." 

It  was  as  visionary  as  had  been  his  plan  for  the  capture 
of  Quebec,  but  the  prudence  of  Clinton  prevented  the 
disastrous  attempt.  Nothing  more  was  ever  heard  of  it, 
and  Arnold  idled  through  the  summer  without  a  com 
mand. 

He  had  left  his  military  fame  behind  him.  His  new 
friends  did  not  share  the  American  enthusiasm  for  his 
soldierly  abilities.  They  had  a  truer  gauge,  and,  esti 
mating  him  with  remarkable  penetration,  they  appointed 
him  only  to  the  work  of  a  thief  and  a  robber. 

In  the  winter  of  1781,  they  sent  him  on  a  plundering 
and  burning  expedition  to  Virginia  [it  was  the  very  time 
that  Daniel  Morgan  was  at  Cowpens]  ;  but  so  little  did 
Clinton  trust  him,  that  he  sent  with  him  two  officers, 
of  tried  ability  and  honor,  with  the  express  command 
that  he  was  to  undertake  nothing  without  their  counsel 
and  consent. 

A  gale  scattered  the  fleet  at  the  mouth  of  the  Chesa 
peake,  and  Arnold,  without  waiting  to  reassemble,  pushed 
on  up  the  James  River  to  Richmond.  Here  he  thought 
to  cheat  his  new  masters,  for  "  he  offered  to  spare  Rich 
mond  if  he  might  carry  off  unmolested  its  vast  stores  of 
tobacco";  but  they  rejected  the  proposition  with  scorn, 
and  he  burned  all.  He  was  soon  compelled  to  retreat,  and 
was  recalled  to  New  York  by  Clinton.* 

*  It  was  at  this  time  that  Arnold  attempted  to  correspond  with 

La  Fayette  by  flag  of  truce.     But  La  Fayette  refused  to   read  the 

letter  and  sent   it  back   unopened.      When   Cornwallis   caine  into 

Virginia,  he  took  the   first  opportunity  to  send  him  down  to  Ports- 

8 


170  ARNOLD'S  SMALL  VILLAINIES. 

One  more  and  the  last  of  his  "exploits."  His  ravages  of 
the  shores  of  Connecticut ;  and.  from  his  knowledge  of 
the  locality,  it  is  believed  that  the  expedition  originated 
with  him. 

It  was  in  the  golden  September  1781,  while  Washington 
and  La  Fayette  were  before  Yorktown.  He  burned  towns 
and  vessels,  immense  magazines  of  public  property,  and 
butchered,  with  savage  ferocity,  the  garrison  at  Fort 
Griswold,  after  they  had  surrendered.  It  is  said  that  "  he 
stood  in  the  belfry  of  a  steeple  and  witnessed  the  confla 
gration,  and  what  adds  to  the  enormity  is,  that  he  stood 
almost  in  sight  of  the  spot  where  he  drew  his  first  breath ; 
and  that  many  of  the  dying  whose  groans  assailed  his 
ears,  and  of  the  living  whose  houses  and  effects  he  saw 
devoured  by  the  flames,  were  his  early  friends — the  friends 
of  his  father  and  mother — and  that  these  wanton  acts 
were  without  provocation  on  the  part  of  the  sufferers."  * 
He  might  even  have  seen  the  little  school-house,  around 
which,  in  his  boyish  iniquity,  he  used  to  strew  the  pieces 
of  broken  glass  that  the  children  might  cut  their  feet  on 
going  and  returning  from  school.  The  boy  was  father  of 
the  man. 


With  the  surrender  of  Cornwallis,  Arnold  found  his 
military  occupation  gone  ;  shunned  by  his  fellow  officers, 
he  asked  permission  of  Clinton  to  sail  for  England. 
Arriving  there,  he  found  a  deeper  scorn  and  contempt 
awaiting  him.  There  was  only  one  "  so  poor  to  do  him 

mouth,  out  of  liis  sight  and  association.  It  was  also  at  this  time 
that  Arnold  asked  an  American  officer  who  had  been  taken  prisoner, 
what  they  would  do  with  him  if  he  should  fall  into  their  hands. 
He  replied,  "  We  would  cut  off  the  leg  which  was  wounded  while 
you  fought  in  the  cause  of  liberty,  and  bury  it  with  the  honors  of 
war,  and  hang  the  rest  of  your  body  on  the  gibbet." 
*  Sparks'  Life  of  Arnold. 


ARNOLD'S  SMALL  VILLAINIES.  171 

His  Majesty,  the  Third  George,  was  perforce 
his  friend. 

The  invective  of  Lord  Lauderdale  resulted  in  a  duel ; 
while  Lord  Surrey,  rising  to  speak  one  day  in  the  House 
of  Commons,  saw  Arnold  enter  the  gallery ;  he  sat  down 
quickly,  pointing  to  him  and  exclaiming:  "I  will  not 
speak  while  that  man  is  in  the  House." 

Again  and  again,  he  solicited  a  command  in  the  British 
service,  but  it  was  not  granted.  All  he  obtained  was  a  con 
tract  for  supplying  the  British  troops  and  provisions;  he 
afterwards  received  a  gift  of  land  in  Canada  for  his  ser 
vices  in  the  West  Indies.  At  St.  Johns,  New  Brunswick, 
he  carried  on  an  extensive  business,  occupying  two  large 
warehouses.  Upon  one  of  these  he  procured  insurance 
for  a  large  amount.  It  soon  after  took  fire  and  was  en 
tirely  consumed  with  all  it  contained.  His  two  sons,  who 
slept  in  the  warehouse  escaped,  but  could  give  no  account 
of  the  origin  of  the  fire. 

It  was  generally  believed  that  it  had  been  insured  for  an 
amount  far  beyond  the  value  of  the  goods  stored  in  it,  and 
was  set  afire.  Proof,  however,  could  not  be  furnished,  arid 
Arnold  received  the  full  value  of  the  merchandise  insured. 

To  illustrate  the  sentiment  of  the  public  in  the  matter  : 
Monson,  Arnold's  partner,  accused  him  of  having  insti 
gated  the  fire  ;  Arnold  brought  suit  against  him  for  libel, 
and  obtained  a  verdict  of  two-and-sixpence. 

Fortune  continued  to  desert  him  to  the  last,  until, 
twenty  years  after  his  treason,  in  1801,  in  shame,  obscu 
rity  and  poverty,  he  sank  into  a  dishonored  grave, — an 
unanswerable  argument  for  the  doctrine  of  native  de 
pravity. 


XIX. 
TIDE  OF  BATTLE  FLOWS  SOUTH  WAKD. 

MEANTIME  the  tide  of  battle  had  rolled  southward. 
The  British  had  good  reasons  for  shifting  the 
theatre  of  war.  Sentiment  was  more  equally  divided  there. 
The  republicans  scarcely  out-numbered  the  tories.  It 
must  be  said,  however,  that  as  a  rule  the  virtuous  and 
intelligent  adhered  to  the  cause  of  independence,  while  the 
ignorant  and  vicious,  with  the  hope  of  plunder  and  adven 
ture,  flocked  to  the  king's  standards. 

The  coast  abounded  in  good  harbors  and  the  country 
was  a  rich  plain,  watered  by  navigable  rivers,  by  which 
they  could  penetrate  to  the  very  heart  of  the  provinces 

Among  the  reasons  given  by  Tarleton,  who  accompanied 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  on  his  expedition  to  South  Carolina, 
were  :  "  The  mildness  of  the  climate,  richness  of  the 
country,  its  vicinity  to  Georgia  [already  in  the  power  of 
the  British]  and  Us  distance  from  Washington.'" 

From  the  midsummer  of  1775,  the  ablest  commanders 
in  the  British  service,  Generals  Gage,  Howe,  Burgoyne, 
Cornwallis,  and  Clinton,  had  been  successively  out-gen- 
eralled,  out-maneuvred  and  put  to  shame,  by  his  matchless 
combinations.  They  had  thought  to  uproot  the  American 
rebellion  by  striking  at  Boston,  "the  hot-bed  of  treason"; 
but  in  a  few  months  they  were  driven  from  its  harbor. 
They  then  fancied  to  decapitate  it,  by  seizing  the  Hudson 
river  and  thus  dividing  the  eastern  from  the  middle  colo 
nies.  They  were  foiled  on  the  plains  of  Saratoga,  and  the 
surrender  of  Burgoyne  was  the  consequence.  In  1777 


TIDE   OF   BATTLE   FLOWS   SOUTHWARD.  173 

they  had  indeed  established  themselves  in  the  city  of  tiie 
Continental  Congress,  but  only  to  yield  it  up  in  the  follow 
ing  year.  In  the  summer  of  1778,  coming  again  upon 
White  Plains,  Washington  wrote:  "After  two  years 
maneuvering,  and  the  strangest  vicissitudes,  both  armies 
are  brought  back  to  the  very  point  they  set  out  from,  and 
the  offending  party  is  now  reduced  to  the  use  of  the  spade 
and  pickaxe  for  safety.  The  hand  of  Providence  has  been 
so  conspicuous  in  all  this,  that  he  must  be  worse  than  an 
infidel  that  lacks  faith,  and  more  than  wicked,  that  has 
not  gratitude  enough  to  acknowledge  his  obligations." 

Had  Washington  been  an  unbeliever,  consulting  only 
the  "stars"  for  his  omens,  he  would  still  have  been  a 
formidable  antagonist  ;  but,  with  his  splendid  military 
instinct— holding  fast  by  the  hand  of  his  God — saying 
continually:  "Thou  wilt  guide  me  with  thine  eye"  he 
had  become  to  his  enemies,  the  unconquerable. 

As  early  as  1778,  the  coast  of  Georgia  had  been  ravaged 
by  British  troops,  from  their  station  in  Florida,  joined  by 
Indian  tribes  who  were  bought  by  British  agents  with 
costly  presents  to  enter  their  service. 

In  1779  Colonel  Campbell  was  dispatched  from  New 
York  with  three  thousand  troops  to  take  Savannah.  It 
was  feebly  defended  by  the  American  General  Howe. 
Guided  through  a  swamp  by  a  negro,  Campbell  turned 
Howe's  position.  Vigorously  attacked  on  all  sides,  he 
capitulated,  and  the  capital  with  nearly  five  hundred 
prisoners,  forty-eight  pieces  of  cannon,  the  fort  with 
large  military  stores  and  much  provision  fell  to  the 
British  with  a  loss  to  them  of  only  twenty-four  killed  and 
wounded. 

Having  established  themselves  in  Savannah,  the  British 
ranged  at  will  through  southern  Georgia  ;  pushing  north 
ward,  they  fortified  Augusta  and  opened  communication 
with  the  savage  tribes  of  upper  Georgia. 

The  delegates  of  South  Carolina  requested  Congress  to 


174  TIDE   OF   BATTLE   FLOWS   SOUTHWAKD. 

send  Major  General  Lincoln,  to  command  their  forces ; 
a  man  highly  esteemed  for  his  integrity  and  private  vir 
tues,  but  without  a  stir  of  military  instinct.  Disaster 
followed  fast  and  followed  faster.  In  September  1779  the 
chivalric  but  impetuous  Frenchman  D'Estaing  suddenly 
appeared  upon  the  coast  of  Georgia  with  fleet  and  army, 
and  signified  his  purpose  to  assist  in  retaking  Savannah. 
Autumnal  gales  approaching,  he  precipitated  the  mad 
assault,  which  was  repulsed  with  frightful  slaughter. 


Among  the  slain,  were  the  brave  Poland er  Pulaski  and 
Sergeant  Jasper.  Three  years  before  Jasper  had  earned 
immortal  fame  at  the  defence  of  Fort  Moultrie  in  the 
harbor  of  Charleston.  A  ball  from  the  enemy's  ship  shot 
away  the  flagstaff  ;  Jasper  leaped  from  the  wall,  upon  the 
beach,  caught  up  the  stars  of  liberty,  and  climbing  the 
breastwork,  through  a  storm  of  bullets,  fixed  the  flag 
upon  the  point  of  his  spontoon,  and  gave  it  again  to  the 
breeze,  crying,  "God  save  liberty  and  my  country  for 
ever."  After  the  enemy  had  retired  discomfited,  Gover 
nor  Rutledge,  in  presence  of  the  whole  regiment,  took  his 
sword  from  his  side  and  with  his  own  hand  presented  it 
to  Jasper. 

He  offered  him  a  commission  also,  but  this  high  heroic 
soul  declined  it.  He  was  only  one  of  God's  noblemen 
and  modestly  said  :  "I  am  greatly  obliged  to  you  Gover 
nor,  but  I  had  rather  not  have  a  commission  ;  as  I  am,  I 
pass  very  well  with  such  company  as  a  poor  sergeant  has  a 
right  to  keep.  If  I  took  a  commission,  I  should  be  forced 
to  keep  higher  company,  and  then,  as  I  don't  know  hoAV 
to  read,  I  should  only  be  putting  myself  in  a  way  to  be 
laughed  at." 

The  fair  daughters  of  Charleston  were  also  gathered 
there  to  thank  their  brave  defenders,  and  Mrs.  Colonel 


TIDE   OF   BATTLE   FLOWS   SOUTHWARD.  175 

Elliot  presented  the  regiment  with  fresh  colors,  em 
broidered  in  gold  and  silver  with  her  own  hand.  They 
were  delivered  to  Jasper,  who  "vowed  never  to  give  them 
up  but  with  his  life." 

Now,  under  the  fatal  walls  of  Savannah,  he  made  good 
his  vow.  Through  all  that  day  of  carnage  Jasper  had 
remained  unhurt,  but  when  the  retreat  was  sounded  he 
rushed  forward  to  seize  and  bring  off  his  colors,  when  a 
fatal  ball  entered  his  lungs. 

In  an  old  time-worn  book,  a  specimen  of  the  southern 
literature  of  more  than  half  a  century  ago,  entitled 
* '  Weems  and  Horry's  Life  of  Marion,"  may  be  found  a 
page  or  two,  describing  the  death  of  this  brave  man.  It 
has  an  exquisite  touch  of  poetry  and  pathos,  equal  to  any 
thing  that  ever  fell  from  the  pen  of  Dickens,  albeit  the 
death  of  "  Poor  Joe "  or  "  Little  Paul."  Thus  : 

"As  he  passed  by  me  with  the  colors  in  his  hand,  I 
observed  he  had  a  bad  limp  in  his  walk. 

"  'You  are  not  much  hurt,  I  hope,  Jasper,'  said  I. 

"  '  Yes,  Major,  I  believe  I've  got  my  furlough.' 

"  '  Pshaw,'  quoth  I,  '  furlough  for  what  ? ' 

«  <  \Vhy  to  go  home  to  Heaven,  I  hope.' 

"His  words  made  such  an  impression  on  me,  that  as 
soon  as  duty  permitted  I  went  to  see  him.  As  I  entered 
the  tent,  he  lifted  his  eyes  to  me,  but  their  fire  was  almost 
quenched.  Stretching  his  feeble  hand  he  said,  with  per 
fect  tranquillity:  '  Well,  Major,  I  told  you  I  had  got  my 
furlough.' 

"  'I  hope  not,'  I  replied. 

"<0,  yes!  I  am  going,  and  very  fast  too;  but  thank 
God,  I  am  not  afraid  to  go.' 

"  I  told  him,  I  knew  he  was  too  brave  to  fear  death,  and 
too  honest  to  be  alarmed  about  its  consequences. 

"'Why  as  to  that  matter,  sir,  I  won't  brag;  but  I 
have  my  hopes.  I  am  but  a  poor  ignorant  body,  but 
somehow  or  other  I  have  always  built  my  hopes  of  what 


176  TIDE   OF   BATTLE   FLOWS   SOUTHWARD. 

God  may  do  for  me  hereafter,  on  what  he  has  done  for  mo 
here.9 

"I  told  him  I  thought  he  was  correct  in  that. 

"  'Now,  Major,  here's  the  way  I  comfort  myself.  Fifty 
years  ago  (I  say  to  myself)  I  was  nothing,  and  had  no 
thought  that  there  was  any  such  grand  and  beautiful 
world  as  this.  But,  notwithstanding,  there  was  such  a 
world,  and  here  God  has  brought  me  into  it.  Now  can't 
He  in  fifty  years  more,  or  indeed  in  fifty  minutes  more, 
bring  me  into  another  world,  as  much  above  this  as  this 
is  above  that  state  of  nothing  in  which  I  was  fifty  years 
ago?' 

"I  told  him  I  thought  it  was  a  very  happy  way  of 
reasoning,  and  such  as  suited  the  goodness  and  greatness 
of  God. 

"  'I  think  so,  Major,  and  I  trust  I  shall  find  it  so,'  he 
continued  ;  f  though  I  have  been  a  man  of  blood,  yet, 
thank  God,  I  have  always  lived  with  an  eye  to  that  great 
hope.  My  mother  was  a  good  woman,  and  when  I  sat,  a 
child,  on  her  knee,  she  talked  to  me  of  God,  and  told  me 
it  was  God  who  built  this  great  world,  with  all  its  riches 
and  good  things,  and  not  for  Himself  but  for  me  !  and 
that  if  I  would  but  do  His  will,  in  that  only  acceptable 
way — a  good  life — he  would  do  still  greater  and  better 
things  for  me  hereafter.  These  things  went  so  deep  into 
my  heart,  Major,  that  they  never  could  be  taken  away  from 
me.  I  have  hardly  ever  gone  to  bed  or  got  up  again 
without  my  prayers.  I  have  honored  my  father  and 
mother,  and,  thank  God,  I  have  been  strictly  honest' 

"  He  continued,  with  tears  in  his  eyes  and  with  much 
effort,  that  he  had  a  good  hope  he  was  going  where  he 
should  not  do  what  he  had  been  obliged  to  do  in  this 
world. 

"  ''  I  've  killed  men  in  my  time,  Major,  but  not  in  malice, 
but  in  what  I  thought  a  just  war  for  my  country;  and  as 
I  bore  no  malice  against  those  I  killed,  neither  do  I  bear 


TIDE   OF   BATTLE   FLOWS   SOUTHWARD.  177 

any  against  those  who  have  killed  me  ;  and  I  heartily  trust 
in  God,  for  Christ's  sake,  that  we  shall  one  day  meet 
together  where  we  shall  forgive,  and  love  one  another 
like  brothers.  And  now,  my  good  friend,  as  I  have  but  a 
little  time  to  live,  I  beg  you  will  do  a  few  things  for  me 
when  I  am  gone. 

"  e  You  see  that  sword — it  is  the  one  Governor  Rutledge 
presented  to  me  for  my  services  at  Fort  Moultrie— give 
that  sword  to  my  father,  and  tell  him  I  never  dishonored 
it.  If  he  should  weep  for  me,  tell  him  his  son  died  in 
hope  of  a  better  life. 

"  '  If  you  should  see  that  great  gentlewoman,  Mrs.  Elliot, 
tell  her  I  lost  my  life  in  saving  the  colors  she  gave  to  our 
regiment.  And  if  you  should  come  across  poor  Jones  and 
his  wife  and  little  boy,  tell  them  Jasper  is  gone  ;  but  the 
remembrance  'of  the  hard  battle  which  he  once  fought  for 
their  sakes,  brought  a  secret  joy  to  his  heart  just  as  it  was 
about  to  stop  its  motion  forever.'  *  He  spoke  these  last 
words  in  a  livelier  tone  than  before ;  but  it  was  like  the 
last  kindling  of  the  taper  in  its  oilless  socket;  instantly 
the  paleness  of  death  overspread  his  face — he  sank  back 
and  expired." 

Lincoln  led  the  remnants  of  his  maimed  and  shattered 
army  into  Charleston.  Eeinforcements  from  the  Carolinas 
and  Virginia,  with  large  military  stores  and  provisions,  were 
crowded  into  a  city  which  could  not  be  defended.  The 
brave  men  industriously  strengthened  its  fortifications  ;  it 
was  but  to  build  their  own  graves. 

In  January  of  1780,  Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  sailed  from 
New  York  with  eight  thousand  five  hundred  men,  fully 
equipped.  He  encountered  outrageous  storms ;  his  ord 
nance-ship  foundered  ;  of  his  transports,  many  were  either 
captured  or  lost,  and  his  cavalry  horses  all  perished.  It 

*  He  had,  at  fearful  odds,  rescued  them  from  the  murderous  hands 
of  a  brutal  soldiery,  and  saved  their  lives. 


178  TIDE    OF   BATTLE   FLOAVS   SOUTHWARD. 

was  the  end  of  February  before  the  fleet  reassembled  off 
the  island  of  Tybee.  Clinton  found  his  whole  force  in 
Georgia  and  Carolina,  not  far  from  ten  thousand,  and,  so 
soon  as  he  could  remount  his  cavalry,  be  commenced  a 
cautious  and  leisurely  March  along  the  coast  into  South 
Carolina,  firmly  establishing  his  posts  as  he  advanced. 
April  9th,  his  fleet  gained  the  harbor  of  Charleston  with 
out  loss,  and  on  the  10th  of  April  he  summoned  Lincoln 
to  surrender. 


XX.—  1  780. 
THE  SCOURGE  OF   THE  CAROLINAS. 


INHERE  accompanied  Clinton  on  this  expedition  an 
officer  of  exceptional  military  genius,  who  was 
speedily  to  become  the  scourge  and  terror  of  these  un 
happy  provinces.  Some  critics  have  pronounced  him  a 
presentiment  of  the  new  system  of  military  tactics  —  tak 
ing  Brad  dock  and  the  Howes  as  representatives  of  the 
old.  "Tarleton's  operations  were  characteristic  of  that 
new  system,  which  gained  fresh  spirit  during  the  French 
Revolution,  and  afterwards  distinguished  Napoleon  I."* 

Yet  the  same  elements  have  characterized  all  great 
soldiers.—  Alexander,  Caesar,  Gaston  de  Foix,  Adolphus, 
Marlborough,  and  Morgan.  That  fine  equipoise  of  judg 
ment  and  daring  —  swiftness,  celerity,  suppleness,  inge 
nuity,  ubiquity  —  persistent  sledge-hammer  blows,  as  long 
and  as  many  as  needful  to  accomplish  a  result,  adjourning 
sleep  and  food,  and  filling  the  twenty-four  hours  with 
valors. 

Tarleton  needed  only  a  great  opportunity  and  unlimited 
command.  Well  for  our  cause  he  was  only  a  colonel,  and 
but  poorly  generaled.  It  must  be  said  that  he  was  utterly 
without  the  quality  of  mercy.  A  few  specimens  of  his 
work  will  best  illustrate  the  worker.  We  left  Lincoln 
penned  up  in  Charleston,  with  all  the  military  resources 
of  the  Carolinas,  having  been,  on  April  10th,  summoned 
by  Clinton  to  surrender.  The  city  was  almost  completely 
invested  ;  but  the  American  cavalry.,  under  General  Huger 
*  Carrington's  "  Battles  of  the  American  Revolution." 


180  THE   SCOUIIGE    OF   THE   CAKOL1NAS. 

and  Colonel  Washington,  both  fine  officers,  hold  a  position 
at  Monk's  Corner,  thirty  miles  above  Charleston,  which 
maintained  a  communication  with  the  upper  country  for 
supplies  for  the  garrison,  and  covered  a  way  of  retreat  out 
of  the  city. 

A  swift  night  march,  April  12th,  and  Tarleton  had 
them  in  his  grip.  Huger  and  Washington  fled  to  the 
swamp  and  secreted  themselves,  as  did  all  who  could. 

Tarleton  took  a  hundred  prisoners — officers,  dragoons 
and  huzzars — fifty  wagons  of  clothing,  ammunition,  etc., 
and,  most  valuable  of  all  to  the  British  at  that  time,  four 
hundred  horses,  with  equipments.  He  also  took  posses 
sion  of  the  ferry  and  all  the  boats.  This  completed  the 
investment  of  Charleston.  British  loss — one  officer  and 
two  men  wounded,  and  five  horses  killed."  * 

May  6th,  Tarleton  totally  surprised  an  American  de 
tachment  under  Colonels  Washington  and  White,  at 
Lenew's  Ferry. — "  Resistance  and  slaughter  soon  ceased." 
The  two  colonels  saved  themselves  this  time  by  swimming. 
American  loss — five  officers  and  thirty-six  men  killed  and 
wounded  ;  seven  officers  and  sixty  dragoons  prisoners, 
with  all  the  horses,  arms  and  equipments.  Tarleton 
lost  two  dragoons  and  four  horses,  but,  returning  to 
Lord  Cornwallis'  camp  the  same  evening,  twenty  horses 
expired  with  fatigue.  More  of  this  kind  of  work  in  its 
place. 

Charleston  passed  to  the  British  May  13th,  1780.  By 
including  all  the  male  adults,  old  and  infirm,  in  his  list, 
Clinton  could  report  five  thousand  prisoners.  The  spoil 
was  not  less  than  a  million  and  a  half  in  our  money.  The 
British  army  became  a  band  of  plunderers,  and  "  the  divi 
dend  of  a  major-general  was  four  thousand  guineas."  f 

The  negroes  were  the  most  valuable  part  of  this  spoil. 
The  slaves  of  rebels,  not  excepting  those  who  threw  them 
selves  upon  the  British  for  protection,  were  immediately 
*  Tarleton' s  Campaign.  \  Bancroft,  Vol.  X. 


THE    SCOUilGE    OF  THE    CAROLINAS.  181 

shipped  to  the  West  Indies,  where  they  brought  a  high 
price. 

A  ban  of  indiscriminate  confiscation  was  prepared  for 
the  whole  country.  Protection  could  only  be  obtained  in 
return  for  unconditional  and  active  loyalty.  Clinton  de 
termined  to  crush  out  the  spirit  of  liberty,  and  compel 
every  man,  capable  of  bearing  arms,  into  British  service. 

The  male  inhabitants  of  the  various  districts  were  en 
rolled,  and  either  British  or  tory  officers  (far  more  dreaded 
of  the  two),  were  appointed,  "  with  civil  as  well  as  mili 
tary  powers."  All  over  forty  years  of  age,  were  to  preserve 
the  king's  authority  at  home ;  all  under  that  age,  were  to 
serve  six  months  of  the  year  in  the  royal  armies.  The 
Carolinas  were  to  becomo  a  vast  British  camp. 

After  the  issue  of  this  proclamation,  any  Carolinian 
taken  in  arms,  was  liable  to  death  for  desertion  and  bear 
ing  arms  against  his  country.  Lord  Bawdon,  in  command 
on  the  Santee,  issued  the  following  order  :  "  If  any  per 
son  shall  meet  a  soldier  straggling,  and  shall  not  secure 
him,  or  spread  an  alarm  for  that  purpose;  or  if  any  person 
shall  shelter  or  guide  a  soldier  straggling,  they  shall  be 
punished  by  whipping,  imprisonment  or  be  sent  to  serve 
in  the  West  Indies.  I  will  give  ten  guineas  for  the  head 
of  any  deserter  belonging  to  the  volunteers  of  Ireland,  and 
five  guineas  only,  if  they  bring  him  in  alive."  Thus  were 
these  proud  and  high-spirited  people  forced  to  become  the 
agents  of  their  own  subjection. 

Stunned  by  their  military  disasters  and  by  the  savage 
cruelty  of  their  oppressors,  their  energies  Avere  for  the 
time  paralyzed — yet  the  people  of  the  Carolinas  remained 
unconquered. 

Clinton  sent  a  detachment  to  strengthen  Augusta ;  an 
other  to  Ninety-six,  and  a  third  under  Cornwallis  to 
Camden.  These  important  posts  held  the  two  States, 
Georgia  and  South  Carolina,  in  present  subjection. 

The  only  armed  American  force  yet  in  the  field  was  a 


182  THE    SCOURGE   OF   THE    CAROLI^AS. 

portion  of  the  Virginia  line,  which  arrived  too  late  to  join 
the  garrison  in  Charleston,  and  they  had  retreated  north 
ward  toward  North  Carolina.  Tarleton  was  dispatched 
after  them,  May  29th.  He  forced  a  march  of  one  hundred 
and  five  miles  in  fifty-four  hours,  and  came  up  with  them 
on  the  borders  of  the  State.  "  Colonel  Buford,  with  about 
one  hundred,  saved  themselves  by  a  precipitate  flight,  the 
rest  sued  for  quarter,  but  one  hundred  and  fifteen  were 
killed  on  the  spot,  a  hundred  and  fifty  were  too  badly 
hacked  to  be  moved;  only  fifty-three  could  be  brought 
away  as  prisoners."  * 

Tarleton's  own  account  of  it  is  :  "  One  hundred  officers 
and  men  killed  and  wounded,  two  hundred  prisoners, 
fifty-five  barrels  of  powder,  and  twenty-six  wagons  of 
clothing,  arms  and  camp-equipage,  with  a  British  loss  of 
sixteen  killed  and  wounded  and  thirty-one  horses." 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  announced  that  Tarleton  "  had  killed, 
wounded,  and  taken  prisoner,  more  than  his  own  force." 
Cornwallis  in  his  despatches  to  the  ministry  writes  :  '-I 
add  the  highest  encomiums  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Tarle 
ton.  It  will  give  me  most  sensible  satisfaction  to  hear  that 
your  Excellency  has  obtained  for  him  some  distinguished 
mark  of  His  Majesty's  favor."  f 

The  people  of  America  called  it  a  cold-blooded  massacre, 
and  " Tarleton's  quarters"  became  a  by-word  of  horror. 

General  Clinton  now  returned  to  New  York  and  left 
Cornwallis  and  Tarleton  to  complete  the  subjugation  of 
the  South.  Their  cruelty  was  overdone  and  worked  the 
other  way.  Marion  rejoiced  when  he  heard  of  the  suffer 
ings  of  the  people  ;  "'tis  a  harsh  medicine,  but  it  is  neces 
sary.  Our  country  is  like  a  man  who  has  swallowed  a 
mortal  poison,  and  unless  they  are  well  worked  and  scoured 
of  their  partiality  to  the  English,  they  are  lost." 

In  Congress,  Houston,  the  delegate  from  Georgia,  said  : 
"Our  misfortunes  are,  under  God,  the  source  of  our 
*  Bancroft,  Vol.  X.  •{-  Tarleton's  Campaign. 


THE   SCOUKGE    OF   THE   CAKOLIKAS.  183 

safety."  The  people,  wrought  up  to  fury  and  desperation, 
and  compelled  to  fight,  now  rallied  to  the  standards  of 
their  own  country. 

The  fall  of  Charleston  had  reverberated  like  a  sound  of 
doom  over  the  land.  Not  since  the  fall  of  Ticonderoga 
had  the  cause  of  the  republic  received  so  severe  a  blow  ; — 
"  but  worse  remained  behind." 

Washington  had  detached  southward  from  his  army, 
the  splendid  continental  brigade  of  Maryland  and  Dela 
ware  troops,  under  the  able  General  De  Kalb. 

General  Greene  solicited  from  Washington  the  command 
of  the  Southern  Department,  and  would  have  obtained 
it,  but  Congress  ignoring  his  preference  and  still  "  joined 
to  its  idol,"  appointed  General  Gates,  whose  "  high  blown 
pride  was  so  soon  to  break  under  him."  It  was  a  fatal 
amendment  to  the  judicious  appointment  of  the  modest, 
brave,  and  experienced  De  Kalb.  Not  only  so,  but  they 
unhandsomely  made  Gates  independent  of  the  commander- 
in-chief.  He  was  to  receive  orders  from,  and  report  only 
to  Congress.  It  might  have  been  his  own  stipulation. 
He  was  destined,  however,  to  a  brief  and  inglorious  career, 
with  the  large  authority  granted  him  by  that  body.  In 
two  short  months  he  had  the  infelicity  to  report  to  Con 
gress  from  the  ignominious  field  of  Camden,  "Head 
quarters  in  the  saddle," — flying. 


Gates  had  received  the  announcement  of  his  appoint 
ment  to  the  Southern  Department  at  his  home  in  Virginia, 
June  1780. 

His  first  thought  was  to  obtain  Morgan's  services,  and 
he  immediately  solicited  of  Congress  a  commission  for  him 
as  Brigadier  General  in  the  continental  service. 

Shortly  before  this,  he  had  sought  an  interview  with 
Morgan,  when  the  cause  of  their  estrangement  was  re- 


184  THE   SCOURGE   OF   THE    CAROLI^AS. 

viewed.  Morgan  proudly  reminded  him  of  the  services 
he  had  performed  during  the  campaign  of  Burgoyne,  and 
of  their  importance  in  compelling  his  surrender.  He 
reminded  Gates  of  the  ingratitude  and  injustice  of  not 
even  naming  him  in  his  official  account  of  that  most 
momentous  affair  of  the  war. 

What  amends  Gates  could  make,  he  attempted,  and 
Morgan  from  that  time,  with  his  usual  magnanimity,  dis 
missed  the  matter  from  his  mind  and  accepted  Gates' 
overtures  of  friendship. 

Congress,  however,  recalled  Morgan  into  the  service  as 
Colonel  only;  but  to  his  eternal  honor  he  asserted  his 
dignity  by  declining  to  go.  Besides  the  sense  of  injustice 
he  felt,  a  weighty  reason  for  this  course  remained.  The 
Southern  States  had  been  divided  into  military  districts, 
in  each  of  which,  officers  had  been  appointed  by  State 
authority.  He  would  be  outranked  by  these,  and  subject 
continually  to  the  orders  of  his  inferiors  in  military  ex 
perience  and  ability.  Throughout  his  whole  previous 
career,  except  when  acting  under  the  commander-in-chicf, 
Morgan  had  contended  with  this  disadvantage, — so  "  no 
more  of  that."  His  health  also,  though  much  improved, 
was  far  from  re-established. 

Gates  was  fain  to  go  without  him  and  fight  his  own 
battle.  Conceit  and  self-assurance  went  with  him,  how 
ever  ;  the  blind  led  the  blind.  On  his  way  through  Vir 
ginia  he  met  his  old  friend  Lee,  the  traitor,  now  in  private 
life,  who  warned  Gates  that  he  would  find  Cornwallis  a 
tough  piece  of  English  beef.  "  Tough,  sir,"  replied  Gates, 
"  tough  !  then  begad  I'll  tender  him.  I'll  make  pilos  of 
him  in  three  hours  after  I  set  eyes  upon  him." 

"Aye!  will  you,  indeed,"  returned  Lee  ;  "then  send 
for  me  and  I  will  come  and  help  you  eat  him." 

Gates  smiled  an  adieu  and  rode  off,  but  Lee  called  after 
him  :  "  Take  care,  Gates,  take  care,  lest  your  Northern 
laurels  turn  to  Southern  willows." 


THE   SCOURGE   OF  THE    CAROLINAS.  185 

"  Gates,  though  a  Chesterfield  at  court,  was  but  a  Paris 
in  camp.  He  was  of  that  fool-hardy  and  crazy-brained 
quality  .to  whom  it  is  a  misfortune  to  be  fortunate.  He 
could  never  bring  himself  to  believe  that  Lord  Cornwallis 
would  '  dare  to  look  him  in  the  face.'  So  confident  was  he 
of  victory  that  on  the  morning  before  the  fatal  day  of 
Camden  he  ordered  Marion  and  myself  [Horry]  to  hasten 
to  San  tee  river,  and  destroy  every  scow,  boat,  and  canoe, 
that  could  assist  an  Englishman  in  his  flight  toward 
Charleston."* 

Gates,  in  superseding  De  Kalb,  had  declined  to  take  his 
counsel,  and  instead  of  proceeding  by  the  way  De  Kalb 
and  his  officers  advised,  through  a  salubrious  and  well- 
provisioned  country,  he  led  his  army  through  a  pine 
barren  where  they  were  fain  to  feed  upon  unripe  peaches 
and  green  corn,  with  molasses  and  water  for  beverage. 
They  marched  under  a  July  sun,  and  upon  arriving  near 
Camden,  were  fitter  for  the  hospital  than  the  battle-field. 

Marion  and  Horry,  before  departing,  presented  them 
selves  to  take  leave  of  the  brave  old  De  Kalb,  with  whom 
they  had  been  serving  as  aids,  and  between  whom  a  warm 
friendship  had  sprung  up.  The  good  old  man  said  :  "  I 
part  with  you  with  the  more  regret,  because  I  feel  a  pre 
sentiment  that  we  part  to  meet  no  more." 

i( '  We  hoped  for  better  things.' 

" '  0,  no,'  he  replied,  '  it  is  impossible.  War  is  a  game, 
and  has  its  fixed  rules.  To-morrow,  it  seems,  the  die  is  to 
be  cast,  and,  in  my  judgment,  without  the  least  chance  on 
our  side.  The  militia  will,  I  suppose,  as  usual,  play  the 
back  game — that  is,  get  out  of  the  scrape  as  fast  as  their 
legs  can  carry  them.  But  that,  you  know,  won't  do  for 
me.  I  am  an  old  soldier  and  cannot  run  ;  and  I  believe 
I  have  some  brave  fellows  with  me  who  will  stand  by  me 
till  the  last.  When  you  hear  of  our  battle,  you  will  prob 
ably  hear  that  your  old  friend  De  Kalb  is  at  rest.' 

*  Horry  and  Weems'  Life  of  Marion. 


186  THE   SCOUEGE   OF   THE   CAKOLINAS. 

"I  looked  at  Marion,  and  the  tears  stood  in  his  eyes.  De 
Kalb  saw  it,  and  taking  us  by  the  hand,  with  a  look  of  ani 
mation,  said  :  '  No,  gentlemen,  no  emotions  for  me  but  those 
of  congratulation.  I  am  happy.  To  die  is  the  irrevocable 
decree  for  all  ;  then  what  joy  to  be  able  to  meet  death 
without  dismay  !  This,  thank  God,  is  my  case.  The 
happiness  of  man  is  my  wish — that  happiness  I  deem  in 
consistent  with  slavery.  To  avert  so  great  an  evil  from 
an  innocent  people.  I  will  gladly  meet  the  British  to 
morrow,  at  any  odds  whatever.' 

"  As  he  spoke,  I  saw  something  in  his  look  which 
demonstrated  the  divinity  of  virtue  and  the  immortality 
of  the  soul." 


Tarleton  was  a  good  critic  as  well  as  a  good  fighter. 
He  points  out  in  his  "  Campaign,"  Lincoln's  mistake  of 
shutting  himself  up  in  Charleston  to  be  captured,  instead 
of  doing  as  Washington  did  "when  he  abandoned  New 
York  for  the  Jerseys  and  yielded  Philadelphia  to  the 
English,  as  a  contrary  course  would  have  unavoidably  re 
established  the  sovereignty  of  Great  Britain  in  America." 

Of  Gates,  he  said  :  "He  had  not  sufficient  penetration 
to  perceive  that  by  a  forced  march  up  the  creek,  he  could 
have  passed  Lord  Bawdon's  flank  and  reached  Camden, 
which  would  have  been  an  easy  conquest  and  a  fatal  blow 
to  the  British,  for  their  hospital,  baggage,  provisions  and 
ammunition  were  there  under  a  weak  guard." 

Instead  of  this,  Gates  made  an  unmeaning  halt  of  two 
days,  which  enabled  the  British  to  reinforce  and  secure  a 
favorable  position.  On  the  night  of  the  fifteenth  of  Au 
gust,  at  ten  o'clock,  Gates  put  his  army  on  the  march, 
and  at  two  next  morning  they  stumbled  upon  the  British, 
advancing  to  meet  them. 

The  advance  of  Gates'  army  were  militia,  who  had  never 


THE   SCOURGE   OF  THE   CAROLIXAS.  187 

"  paraded  together  before."  Some  shots  were  exchanged,, 
but  both  sides  adjourned  action  until  daylight.  Besides 
the  detachment  under  Marion  to  destroy  the  boats  on  the 
San  tee,  Sumter  had  come  into  camp  with  four  hundred 
men  and  asked  for  four  hundred  more  to  intercept  a 
British  convoy  of  stores  and  provisions  on  the  road  from 
Charleston  to  the  camp  at  Camden.  It  was  granted. 

Gates  found  himself  with  but  three  thousand  and  fifty, 
fit  for  duty.  He  pompously  exclaimed ;  "  These  are 
enough  for  our  purpose."  Cornwallis  had  less  than  two 
thousand. 

Gates  had  no  plan  of  battle,  and  took  his  own  place 
well  in  the  rear.  De  Kalb,  at  the  last  moment,  advised 
that  the  army  should  fall  back  to  Eugley's  Mills,  where 
they  could  occupy  an  excellent  position  and  await  the 
British  attack. 

Gates  not  only  rejected  the  counsel,  but  hinted  that  it 
was  prompted  by  cowardice ;  whereupon  the  brave  old 
General  leaped  from  his  horse  and,  placing  himself  at  the 
head  of  his  command,  retorted  with  warmth  :  "  Well,  sir  ! 
a  few  hours  will  let  us  see  who  are  the  brave." 

Gates  issued  no  order  for  the  battle  to  begin ;  one  of 
his  officers  suggested  that  the  brigade  of  Stevens'  militia, 
the  weakest  of  the  army,  should  attack ;  but  Cornwallis' 
very  best  troops,  under  the  able  Colonel  Webster,  were 
thrown  against  them,  and  the  battle  really  commenced 
with  the  flight  of  the  militia ;  Tarleton,  with  his  cavalry, 
pursued  them  thirty  miles,  cutting  them  down  without 
mercy.  Gates  fled  with  them,  nor  did  he  halt  until  he 
reached  Hillsborough,  North  Carolina,  and  it  was  said 
"that  he  killed  three  horses  in  his  flight." 

The  flying  wing  composed  two- thirds  of  the  army.  De 
Kalb  and  his  Maryland  and  Delaware  troops  remained 
to  save  American  honor.  The  whole  British  army  now 
turned  upon  them.  Never  was  better  fighting  done,  and 
the  British  lost  nearly  five  hundred  before  the  Americans 


188  THE   SCOURGE   OF  THE   CAKOLINAS. 

yielded.  Be  Kalb  fell,  pierced  by  eleven  wounds.  He 
died,  a  few  days  after,  a  prisoner,  but  "  the  unconquered 
friend  of  liberty." 

A  British  officer  condoled  with  him  for  his  misfortune  ; 
he  replied:  "I  thank  yon,  sir,  for  your  generous  sym 
pathy,  but  I  die  the  death  1  always  prayed  for — the  death 
of  a  soldier  fighting  for  the  rights  of  man." 

By  all  accounts,  both  British  and  American,  Gates  had 
done  everything  in  his  power  to  ensure  the  victory  of  Corn- 
wallis.  The  omission  and  the  commission  were  perfect.  In 
a  letter  from  General  Nash  of  North  Carolina  to  Washing 
ton,  immediately  after  the  disaster  of  Camden,  he  re 
views  the  situation.  The  oppressed  people  were  just 
beginning  to  lift  up  their  heads  after  the  fall  of  Charles 
ton.  De  Kalb's  army  had  advanced  to  Pedee  River,  and 
by  this  had  recovered  from  the  enemy  one  of  the  most 
fruitful  regions  of  the  State.  Besides  this,  the  militia  of 
the  two  States,  under  their  leaders  —  Marion,  Sumter, 
Pickens,  and  Williams,  had  had  nine  several  skirmishes 
with  the  enemy,  and  had  been  successful  in  all.  Affairs 
were  beginning  to  wear  a  most  favorable  aspect,  had  not 
Gates  rashly  decided  to  risk  the  fate  of  the  two  Carolinas 
on  a  single  battle.  "  I  think  I  am  justified  in  saying  that 
he  put  all  to  risk, — because  no  previous  effectual  measures 
were  taken  to  save  the  baggage  ;  nor  do  I  learn  that  any 
place  was  assigned  for  the  army  to  retreat  to  in  case  of  mis 
fortune.  At  the  flight  of  the  militia,  if  the  regulars  had 
been  ordered  to  retreat  to  Rugley's  Mills,  five  miles  in  their 
rear,  possibly  all  might  have  been  saved.  I  am  told  that 
with  one  hundred  men  the  pass  could  have  been  defended 
against  the  whole  British  army.  *  *  *  *  Sir,  we  had 
expended  upwards  of  twenty-five  millions  of  dollars  on  that 
army  ;  we  had  drained  every  source  and  exhausted  every 
fund  in  purchasing  tents,  wagons,  horses,  arms,  ammuni 
tion,  provisions,  spirits,  sugar,  coffee,  camp-equipage — in 
short,  everything  appertaining  to  an  army,  and  in  a  single 


THE   SCOURGE   OF  THE   CAROLISTAS.  189 

half  hour  all  was  completely  lost  and  the  army  annihilated. 
The  militia  scattered  to  their  homes,  spreading  terror  as 
they  went ;  the  regulars  retreated  on  after  their  General 
to  Hillsborough,  two  hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  the 
place  of  action,  where  General  Gates  arrived  three  days 
after  the  battle,  leaving  all  the  country  open  to  the  rav 
ages  of  the  enemy."  * 

The  vanquished  General,  though  only  required  to  report 
to  Congress,  reported  a  few  days  afterward  to  the  com- 
mander-in-chief  :  "  If  I  am  yet  to  render  good  service  to 
the  United  States,  it  will  be  necessary  it  should  be  seen 
that  I  have  the  support  of  Congress  and  your  Excellency, 
otherwise  some  may  think  they  please  my  superiors  by 
blaming  me,  and  thus  recommend  themselves  to  favor. 
But  you,  sir,  will  be  too  generous  to  lend  an  ear  to  such 
men,  if  such  there  be,  and  will  show  your  greatness  of 
soul  rather  by  protecting  than  slighting  the  unfortu 
nate."  f 

But  the  disaster  did  not  finish  with  the  day  of  Camden. 
Tarleton,  returning  from  the  pursuit  of  Gates'  flying 
army,  learned  that  Sumter  had  intercepted  and  captured 
the  convoy  of  forty  wagons  of  British  supplies  and  taken 
a  hundred  prisoners.  Sumter,  havng  heard  of  the  defeat 
of  Gates,  had  retreated  up  the  Wateree.  Tarleton  was 
quickly  upon  his  track.  Sumter,  supposing,  probably, 
that  the  British  cavalry  would  take  a  day  of  rest  after  the 
battle,  and  having  himself  made  a  march  of  forty  miles, 
halted  at  the  midday  heat,  for  his  own  rest  and  refreshment 
and  fell  fast  asleep  in  the  shade  of  a  wagon.  Tarleton,  by 
forced  marches,  pounced  suddenly  upon  them,  dispersed 
and  destroyed  the  detachment,  killing  one  hundred  and 
fifty  on  the  spot,  taking  three  hundred  prisoners,  releasing 
all  the  British  and  tory  prisoners,  and  recovering  all  the 
wagons  Sumter  had  captured.  Tarleton  lost  one  officer 

*  Sparks'  Cor.  with  Washington,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  110. 
f  fiyarktt'  Cor.  with  Washington,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  76. 


190        THE  SCOURGE  OF  THE  CAROLIKAS. 

and  twenty-nine  killed  and  wounded.  Cornwallis,  report 
ing  this  affair,  says  :  "  This  action  is  too  brilliant  to  need 
any  comment  of  mine,  and  will,  I  doubt  not,  highly 
recommend  Lieutenant  Colonel  Tarleton  to  his  Majesty's 
favor."* 

This  was  Sumter's  first  encounter  with  Tarleton. 
te  Two  days  after,  he  rode  into  Charlotte  alone,  without 
hat  or  saddle."  f 

*  Tarleton 's  Campaign,  p.  138.  f  Bancroft,  Vol.  X. 


WASHINGTOiN.  SUMTER. 

PARTISAN    LEADERS   OF   THE    SOUTH. 


XXL— 1780. 
PATRIOT  LEADERS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

^ORNWALLIS  now  felt  himself  at  liberty  to  dispatch 
V^  to  the  ministry  that  Georgia  and  the  Carolinas  were 
"  British  once  more."  In  their  eyes  he  was  the  one  man 
"  on  whom  rested  the  hopes  of  the  ministry  for  the  suc 
cessful  termination  of  the  war." 

He,  with  Tarleton,  had  decided  that  an  iron  yoke  should 
be  put  upon  the  people  of  the  South.  He  ordered  com 
manders  of  all  posts  "to  imprison  all  who  would  not 
take  up  arms  for  the  king,  and  to  seize  or  destroy  their 
whole  property.  Any  militia  man  who  had  borne  arms 
with  the  British,  and  afterward  joined  the  Americans, 
should  be  hanged  immediately." 

His  underlings,  tory  and  British,  all  through  the  State, 
bettered  by  his  instructions.  They  patrolled  the  country 
far  and  near, — burned,  ravaged,  and  put  to  death  whom 
they  would. 

"In  violation  of  agreements,  the  Continental  soldiers 
who  capitulated  at  Charleston,  nineteen  hundred  in 
number,  were  transferred  to  wretched  prison  ships,  where 
they  were  joined  by  hundreds  more,  taken  at  Camden. 

In  thirteen  months,  one-third  of  them  had  perished  by 
malignant  fevers.  Others  were  impressed  into  British 
naval  service,  or  taken  by  violence  on  board  transports  and 
forced  to  serve  in  British  regiments  in  Jamaica.  Of  more 
than  three  thousand,  all  but  seven  hundred  were  thus 
made  way  with." 


192  PATRIOT   LEADERS   OF  THE   SOUTH. 

Yet  the  South  remained  uneonquered,  and  moved  for 
ward  to  her  independence  through  the  bitterest  sorrows  of 
civil  war.  Members  of  the  same  families  were  arrayed 
against  each  other;  neighbors  outlawed  and  savagely 
butchered  each  other;  the  land  blazed  with  burning 
homesteads  ;  women  and  children,  reared  in  luxury,  were 
driven  from  their  homes  and  shivered  half  clad  beside  for 
est  fires,  while  large  rewards  were  offered  by  the  British 
authorities  to  those  who  should  inform  of  the  place  of 
concealment  of  cattle,  horses,  negroes,  plate,  bonds  and 
deeds,  of  the  patriots  of  the  Carolinas. 

Of  South  Carolina,  Bancroft  says :  "  Left  to  her  own 
resources,  it  was  through  bloodshed  and  devastation,  and 
the  depths  of  wretchedness,  that  her  citizens  were  to  bring 
her  back  to  her  place  in  the  Republic,  by  their  own  heroic 
courage  and  self-devotion,  having  suffered  more,  and  dared 
more,  and  achieved  more,  than  the  men  of  any  other  State  !  " 

They  rallied  to  the  standards  of  their  patriot  leaders : 
Williams,  Davidson,  Pickens,  Davie,  Sumter,  and,  most 
illustrious  of  all,  Francis  Marion. 

Of  rich  Huguenot  blood,  he  represented  the  virtues  of 
three  generations,  and  his  name  deserves  to  stand  next  to 
those  of  Morgan,  Stark  and  Wayne,  among  the  great  field 
executives  of  the  Revolution.  He  was  small  in  stature,  of 
delicate  physique,  and  gentle  to  tenderness.  Armed  with 
all  knightly  virtues  of  courage,  truth  and  honor,  he  proved 
himself  the  friend  and  protector  of  the  weak  and  op 
pressed  ;  he  wept  with  the  weeping  mothers,  widows  and 
orphans  of  his  suffering  country,  and  drew  to  himself  the 
love  and  confidence  of  all. 

Soon  after  the  fall  of  Charleston,  Sumter  had  hovered 
round  the  British  camp  so  much  to  their  annoyance  that 
Cornwallis  dispatched  Tarleton  to  destroy  him,  saying  : 
"  Sumter  has  certainly  been  our  greatest  plague  in  this 
country."  He  was  soon,  however,  forced  to  recall  Tarleton 
to  deal  with  a  still  more  wary  antagonist. 


PATRIOT   LEADERS   OF  THE   SOUTH.  193 

"Colonel  Marion/' wrote  Cornwallis,  "so  wrought  on 
the  minds  of  the  people,  that  there  was  scarcely  an  in 
habitant  between  the  Pedee  and  the  Santee  that  was  not 
in  arms  against  us.  They  even  crossed  the  Santee  and 
carried  terror  to  the  gates  of  Charleston.  They  are  the 
same  stuff  as  compose  all  Americans." 

To  Tarleton,  Cornwallis  wrote  :  "  I  most  sincerely  hope 
you  will  get  at  Mr.  Marion.  I  am  always  sanguine  where 
you  are  concerned."  * 

Tarleton  himself  pays  tribute  to  the  "  zeal  and  ability  of 
Mr.  Marion/'7  for  with  all  his  skill  and  cunning  he  failed  to 
trap  him. 

He  was  soon  again  recalled  to  attend  to  Sumter,  who 
had  just  defeated  a  British  detachment  under  Weymes, 
and  Cornwallis  writes:  "I  wish  you  would  get  three 
legions  and  divide  yourself  into  three  parts.  We  can  do 
nothing  without  you."  This  time  Tarleton  advanced 
swiftly,  but  cautiously,  upon  Sumter,  who,  though  su 
perior  in  numbers,  promptly  retired,  and  intrenched  his 
force  in  good  position,  using  some  log-houses  for  barri 
cades.  Nothing  daunted  by  his  disadvantage  of  numbers, 
Tarleton  followed  boldly,  and  at  last,  leaving  his  infantry 
behind,  he  made  an  unexpected  push  with  only  one  hun 
dred  and  seventy  cavalry  and  eighty  mounted  men.  Com 
ing  up  with  them,  he-attacked  vigorously.  The  Amer 
icans  inflicted  heavy  loss  upon  the  enemy,  but,  unfortu 
nately,  Sumter  was  severely  wounded  early  in  the  action, 
and  the  whole  band  retreated,  and  even  thought  it  wise  to 
disperse  for  the  time.  Both  claimed  the  victory.  Corn 
wallis  makes  his  acknowledgments  to  Tarleton  in  these 
words  :  "I  will  not  tire  you  with  a  repetition  of  my  obli 
gations  to  you.  I  trust  you  will  find  that  I  shall  never 
forget  them."  To  the  British  ministry  he  wrote  :  "It  is 
not  easy  for  Lieutenant-Colonel  Tarleton  to  add  to  the 
reputation  he  has  acquired  in  this  province.  With  a  small 

*  Tarleton' s  Campaigns. 
9 


194  PATRIOT   LEADERS   OF  THE   SOUTH. 

force  of  cavalry  he  pursued  and  defeated  Sumter,  who 
had  a  thousand  men,,  sheltered  in  log-houses,  in  a  strong 
position.  This  action  is  a  proof  of  that  spirit,  and  those 
talents,  which  must  render  the  most  efficient  service  to 
his  country."  * 

On  the  approach  of  Gates'  army  to  Camden,  Marion  had 
come  into  his  camp  with  his  tatterdemalion  militia  bri 
gade.  As  his  men  were  hatless,  Marion  "took  part  with 
his  brethren/'  and  marched  hatless  at  their  head. 

They  and  their  commander  drew  forth  only  the  scorn 
of  that  fine  gentleman  Gates,  who  had  no  instinct  to  dis 
cover  either  ability  or  nobility  in  honorable  rags.  Marion, 
who  knew  the  heart  of  the  militiamen,  and  knew  how  to 
fight  and  conquer  with  them,  might  have  saved  the  day  at 
Camden,  in  spite  of  Gates ;  but  that  no-general  sent 
Marion,  with  Major  Horry,  on  the  useless  errand  of  de 
stroying  the  bridges  and  boats  behind  the  British  to  pre 
vent  their  escape.  After  Gates'  defeat,  Marion  waylaid  a 
British  guard,  who  were  conducting  some  of  the  continen 
tal  prisoners  from  Camden  to  Charleston,  dispersed  them, 
and  released  the  captives. 

Learning  the  utter  rout  and  destruction  of  Gates'  army 
and  the  prostration  of  the  cause,  Marion  sounded  his 
signals,  assembled  his  little  band  of  faithful  hearts  about 
him,  and  thus  addressed  them:  "Well,  gentlemen,  you  see 
our  situation.  Our  peaceful  land  filled  with  uproar  and 
death,  while  foreign  ruffians,  braving  us  up  to  our  very 
fire-sides  and  altars,  leave  us  no  alternative  but  slavery  or 
death.  Two  gallant  armies  have  marched  to  our  assist 
ance  ;  but  for  lack  of  competent  commanders,  both  have 
been  lost.  That  under  General  Lincoln,  after  having  been 
duped  and  butchered  at  Savannah,  was  at  last  completely 
trapped  at  Charleston.  That  under  General  Gates,  hav 
ing  been  imprudently  overmarched,  is  now  cut  up  at 
Camden.  Thus  are  all  our  hopes  from  the  north  entirely 
*  Tarleton's  Campaigns. 


PATRIOT   LEADERS   OF   THE   SOUTH.  195 

at  an  end,  and  poor  Carolina  is  left  to  shift  for  herself. 
And  now,  my  countrymen,  I  want  to  know  your  minds. 
As  to  my  own,  that  has  been  long  made  up.  I  consider 
my  life  is  but  a  moment,  and  to  fill  that  moment  with 
duty  is  my  all.  While  I  live,  my  country  shall  never  be 
enslaved.  She  may  come  to  that  wretched  state  for  what 
I  know,  but  my  eyes  shall  never  behold  it.  Never  shall 
she  clank  her  chains  in  my  ears,  and  pointing  to  the 
ignominious  badge  exclaim:  It  ivas  your  cowardice  that 
brought  me  to  this!" 

We  are  tempted  to  clip  another  page  from  the  quaint 
eloquence  of  his  biographer  and  brother  in  arms: 

"  The  Washington  of  the  South,  Marion  steadily  pur 
sued  the  warfare  most  safe  for  us,  and  most  fatal  to  our 
enemies.  He  taught  us  to  sleep  in  the  swamps,  to  feed 
on  roots,  to  drink  the  turbid  waters  of  the  ditch,  and  to 
prowl  nightly  round  the  encampments  of  the  foe,  like 
lions  round  the  habitations  of  those  who  had  slaughtered 
their  cubs.  Sometimes  he  taught  us  to  fall  upon  the 
enemy  by  surprise,  distracting  the  midnight  hour  with 
the  horrors  of  our  battle  ;  at  other  times,  when  our  forces 
were  increased,  he  led  us  on  boldly  to  the  charge,  hewing 
the  enemy  to  pieces  under  the  approving  light  of  day. 
0  Marion,  my  friend  !  my  friend  !  although  thy  wars 
are  all  ended,  and  thyself  at  rest  in  the  grave,  yet  I  see 
thee  still.  I  see  thee  as  thou  wert  wont  to  ride,  most 
terrible  in  battle  to  the  enemies  of  thy  country.  Thine 
eyes,  like  balls  of  fire,  flamed  beneath  thy  lowering  brows. 
But  lovely  still  wert  thou  in  mercy,  thou  bravest  among 
the  sons  of  men  !  For  soon  as  the  enemy,  sinking  under 
our  swords,  cried  for  quarter,  thy  heart  swelled  with  com 
miseration,  and  thy  countenance  was  changed,  even  as 
the  countenance  of  a  man  who  beheld  the  slaughter  of 
his  brothers.  The  basest  tory  who  could  but  touch  the 
hem  of  thy  garment,  Avas  safe.  The  avengers  of  blood 
stopped  short  in  thy  presence,  and  turned  away  abashed 


196  PATRIOT   LEADERS   OF  THE   SOUTH. 

from  the  lightning  of  thine  eyes.  0  that  my  pen  were 
of  the  quill  of  the  swan  that  sings  for  future  days,  then 
shouldst  thou,  my  friend,  receive  the  fulness  of  thy  fame." 

From  this  time,  date  the  tactics  of  this  marvellously 
elastic  brigade,  which  sometimes  numbered  twenty  and 
sometimes  twelve  hundred,  as  the  emergency  demanded, 
and  as  they  wielded,  by  turns,  the  hoe  or  the  sword. 

The  government  was  powerless  to  maintain  military 
magazines,  commissariat,  or  hospital ;  without  clothes, 
shelter,  rations  or  pay,  this  patriot  band  marched  and 
counter-marched,  advanced  and  retreated,  disbanded  and 
re-assembled,  maneuvred  and  dissolved,  visible  or  invisible, 
as  by  magic.  Every  swamp  furnished  them  with  a  natural 
hiding-place,  whence  they  suddenly  emerged  upon  their 
enemy,  struck  a  swift  blow,  and  retired  to  their  fastness 
from  superior  forces. 

The  number  and  value  of  these  skirmishes  with  the 
enemy,  escape  the  page  of  history,  and  can  never  be  told. 
Marion  foiled  or  defeated,  in  turn,  the  ablest  officers  of 
Cornwallis,  sent  to  stop  his  career,  and  utterly  baffled 
Tarleton  ly  eluding  him.  When  Greene's  army  was  driven 
before  Cornwallis,  out  of  North  Carolina,  Marion  swept 
down  and  harassed  his  posts  in  the  rear,  capturing  con 
voys,  and  breaking  their  communications  with  Charleston. 

Scorn  upon  any  and  all  insinuations  against  the  valor 
of  the  Southern  militia  of  the  Revolution.  They  rendered 
splendid  service,  and  in  the  best  possible  way  suited  to 
their  circumstances.  While  every  field  action  of  the 
regular  army  in  the  Carolinas,  except  Cowpens,  was 
attended  by  disaster  and  a  measure  of  disgrace,  these 
patriot  militia  leaders,  and  their  followers,  harried  and 
worried  the  British  out  of  their  borders ;  and  the  forces 
of  Sumter  and  Marion  swept  the  country  to  the  very 
gates  of  Charleston.  Let  Guilford  Court-House,  Hob- 
kirk's  Hill,  Ninety-six,  and  Eutaw  Springs  confess. 

As  soon  as  the  British  evacuated  the  city  of  Charleston, 


PATRIOT   LEADERS   OF  THE    SOUTH.  197 

Marion  sheathed  his  sword,  disbanded  his  faithful  comrades 
with  the  tenderness  of  a  brother,  and  went  back  in  poverty 
to  his  plough,  "one  of  the  purest  men,  truest  patriots  and 
most  adroit  Generals  that  American  History  can  boast." 
Valiant  in  war,  he  was  also  wise  in  the  councils  of  peace. 
He  afterward  sat  in  the  senate  of  his  State,  and  assisted 
in  framing  its  constitution. 

His  remains  enrich  the  soil  of  St.  John's  parish,  South 
Carolina,  and  "a  plain  oblong  tomb,  gift  of  a  private 
citizen,"  marks  the  sacred  spot. 

Meantime  the  hot  August  breath  of  that  calamitous  day 
of  Camden,  bearing  on  its  wings  the  groans  of  a  lost  cause 
and  a  prostrate  people,  swept  up  through  the  valley  of 
Virginia  and  came  to  Morgan's  ears.  He  could  no  longer 
hold  back ;  the  cause  needed  every  patriot  heart  and 
hand  to  the  rescue.  To  the  voice  of  wailing  from  the 
banks  of  Southern  savannahs,  was  added  the  spur  of  the 
odious  treason  just  enacted  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson. 
Nor  did  he  stand  upon  the  order  of  his  going,  but  to  his 
eternal  honor,  he  went  at  once,  as  Colonel  Morgan.  In 
September  1780,  accompanied  by  an  escort  of  young  gentle 
men  who  desired  to  serve  with  him,  Morgan  rode  into 
Gates'  camp  at  Hillsborough,  and  reported  for  duty. 


XXIL— 1780. 
THE  BATTLE  OF  THE  COLONELS— No.  2. 

f^ORNWALLIS' ambition  extended  from  Georgia  to 
\^s  the  waters  of  the  Chesapeake.  This  much  he  had 
promised  to  restore  to  the  British  crown.  He  had  fortified 
and  garrisoned  the  strong  interior  posts  of  Camden, 
Winnsborough,  Ninety-Six,  and  Augusta.  With  a  chain 
of  inferior  posts  below,  on.  the  Santeeand  Wateree,  the  rich 
and  fertile  country  was  secured  to  them.  He  held,  also, 
the  seacoast  from  Charleston  to  Savannah. 

The  excessive  heat  of  summer  being  passed,  Cornwallis 
thought  he  might  now  venture  his  advance  into  North 
Carolina.  But  the  avenger  was  on  his  track. 

During  the  summer,  British  agents  had  stirred  up  the 
Cherokee  tribes  ;  their  chiefs  had  come  down  to  Augusta 
to  meet  those  agents  and  receive  the  presents  which  were 
to  spur  their  zeal  in  their  murderous  work. 

Colonel  Clarke,  a  fugitive  patriot  from  Georgia,  with  a 
company  of  riflemen,  assisted  by  a  band  of  backwoodsmen, 
attacked  and  defeated  the  garrison  under  Colonel  Brown, 
at  Augusta,  captured  the  presents  and  drove  the  savages 
back  to  their  lair. 

Colonel  Furguson,  commander  of  the  British  post  of 
Ninety-Six,  and  next  to  Tarleton  in  audacity  and  cruelty, 
moved  out  to  way-lay  and  capture  this  American  detach 
ment. 

He  fell  in  with  a  party  of  North  Carolina  militia,  under 
McDowall,  whom  he 'pursued  and  scattered  at  the  foot  of 
the  Alleghanies,  where  Tennessee  and  the  Carolinas  meet. 
The  fugitives  sought  refuge  among  the  dwellers  in  the 
uplands,  and  recounted  the  sorrows  of  the  plains  below 


KLESTOIT 

3ULTRIE  MAP    OF 

SV«  c        OPERATIONS  "IN 
\  VIRGINIA, 

NORTH  CAROLINA, 
7  S.  CAROLINA, 

vr  AND  GEORGIA. 

^  American  Routes,  II 

y  JirKis7i  Jfoutes.      00 

redeiica  F 


THE   BATTLE   OF   THE   COLONELS — NO.  2.  199 

to  the  liberty-loving  sons  of  the  forests,  "among  whom 
slavery  was  scarcely  known."  The  story  of  the  anguish 
'and  desolations  of  an  innocent  people,  touched  the  springs 
of  sympathy  in  the  hearts  of  these  backwoodsmen. 

The  spirit  of  the  mountains  woke — the  spirit  of  liberty ; 
and  these  brave  hearts  and  strong  hands  resolved  to  leave 
their  homes,  descend  from  the  highlands,  and  strike  one 
blow  in  the  cause  of  humanity.  The  men  of  the  Watauga 
Valley  ranged  themselves  under  the  leadership  of  Isaac 
Shelby  and  John  Sevier,  subsequently  first  governors  of 
Kentucky  and  Tennessee.  Colonel  Campbell,  of  south 
west  Virginia,  brother-in-law  of  Patrick  Henry,  hearing  of 
this  movement,  joined  them  with  four  hundred  militia. 

Colonel  Cleaveland,  of  North  Carolina,  with  his  regi 
ment  and  the  fugitives  under  McDowall,  repaired  to  the 
appointed  rendezvous  at  Watauga,  September  25th,  1780. 

"  On  the  next  day,  each  man  mounted  on  his  own  horse, 
armed  with  his  own  rifle,  and  carrying  his  own  store  of 
provisions,  began  the  ride  over  the  mountains,  where  the 
passes  through  the  Alleghanies  are  the  highest.  Not  even 
a  bridle-path  led  through  the  forest,  nor  was  there  a  house 
for  forty  miles  between  the  Watauga  and  the  Catawba. 
The  men  left  their  families  in  secluded  valleys,  distant  one 
from  the  other,  exposed  not  only  to  parties  of  royalists 
but  of  Indians." 

Furguson  heard  of  this  rising  of  the  mountain  yeomanry 
upon  his  track,  and  dispatched  an  express  to  Cornwallis 
for  reinforcements.  The  ubiquitous  Tarleton  was  sent  to 
his  assistance. 

Meantime  the  patriot  leader,  James  Williams,  who  was 
soon  to  offer  up  his  life,  was  on  the  upper  Catawba  with 
four  hundred  and  fifty  mounted  men.  He,  too,  learned 
by  his  scouts  of  the  mountain  torrent  of  freemen,  descend 
ing  and  swelling  as  it  rolled. 

He  advanced  to  meet  them,  and,  near  the  field  of  Cow- 
pens,  on  the  Broad  River — auspicious  spot,  so  soon  to 


200  THE   BATTLE   OF  THE   COLONELS — XO.  2. 

blaze  with  the  glory  of  our  arms — they  joined  forces  and 
counted  thirteen  hundred  strong. 

Williams  proposed  to  guide  them  at  once  to  Ferguson's 
encampment.  Calling  a  council,  they  decided  to  push  on 
and  strike  him  by  surprise.  Selecting  nine  hundred  picked 
men  and  their  fleetest  horses,  they  began  their  march  at 
sunset.  They  dismounted  but  once  in  thirty-six  hours. 
All  night  they  rode,  and  the  next  day,  evening,  October 
7th,  1780,  reached  the  foot  of  King's  Mountain — per 
petual  monument  of  the  valor  of  these  men. 

Ferguson's  force  of  tories,  and  a  detachment  of  British 
regulars,  numbered  upwards  of  eleven  hundred.  They 
were  strongly  posted  on  what  they  thought  an  impregna 
ble  height,  "the  craggy  cliffs  cropping  out  in  form  of 
natural  breastworks  along  its  sides  and  on  its  heights." 

But  these  brave  hearts  and  strong  hands  had  come  to  do 
the  deed,  and  they  did  it.  All  honor  to  the  militia  heroes 
of  King's  Mountain,  without  a  leader  above  the  rank  of 
colonel.  All  honor  to  the  patriot  yeomanry  of  Virginia, 
Tennessee,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia, 
who  met  here  to  clasp  hands  and  pour  out  their  heart's 
blood  in  the  cause  of  human  liberty. 

They  quietly  dismounted  and  formed  themselves  into 
four  columns.  The  post  of  extreme  danger  was  assumed 
by  Colonel  Campbell,  of  Virginia,  and  Colonel  Shelby. 
They  led  the  two  columns  that  were  to  attack  in  front ; 
climbing  the  mountain,  to  be  received  on  the  bayonets  of 
the  British  regulars. 

But  on,  and  up,  they  strode — hearts  of  lions — repulsed 
at  first,  they  rallied,  and  gained  the  height.  A  death 
struggle  ensued,  until  the  right  and  left  wings  in  the  rear 
closed  round  the  enemy's  flanks  and  rear,  and  circled  them 
with  a  ring  of  fire. 

For  fifty  minutes  the  battle  raged,  until  the  position  of 
the  enemy  was  no  longer  tenable.  Their  leader,  Ferguson, 
being  killed,  they  attempted  to  escape  along  the  top  of  the 


THE    BATTLE   OF  THE   COLONELS — NO.  3.  201 

ridge ;  but  Colonels  Cleaveland,  Sevier  and  Williams  in 
tercepted  them,  and  they  threw  down  their  arms. 

The  British  loss  was  four  hundred  and  fifty  killed  or 
severely  wounded,  and  six  hundred  and  fifty  prisoners. 
The  American  loss  was  only  twenty-eight  killed  and  sixty 
wounded.  Among  these,  however,  they  had  to  mourn  the 
death  of  the  patriot  Colonel  James  Williams — "  a  man  of 
exalted  character  and  of  a  brief  but  glorious  career." 

As  the  battle  of  Herkimer's  Mohawk  yeomanry  had  first 
reversed  the  gloom  of  the  Northern  Department  in  1777, 
so  now  the  battle  of  the  yeomanry  of  King's  Mountain 
first  reversed  the  gloom  of  the  Southern  Department  in 
1780. 

The  mountaineers  had  moved  too  swiftly  this  time  for 
Tarleton.  He  heard  the  tidings  of  the  disaster  at  the 
forks  of  the  Catawba,  and  sped  back  with  all  haste  to 
Cornwallis'  camp.  An  immediate  retreat  was  ordered. 
The  whole  aspect  of  affairs  was  changed.  It  strength 
ened  the  hearts  of  the  patriots  and  dismayed  the  tories. 

'  The  appearance  on  the  frontiers  of  a  numerous  enemy 
from  settlements  beyond  the  mountains  whose  names  had 
thus  far  remained  unknown  to  the  British,  took  Corn 
wallis  by  surprise  ;  and  their  success  was  fatal  to  this  in 
tended  expedition.  He  had  expected  to  step  with  ease 
from  one  Carolina  to  the  other,  and  from  these  to  the 
conquest  of  Virginia."  * 

There  was  nothing  now  but  a  swift  retreat  back  into 
South  Carolina,  on  which  he  was  followed  by  the  militia, 
who  "harassed  his  foraging  parties,  intercepted  his  dis 
patches,  and  captured  his  wagons." 

They  were  delayed  by  heavy  rains  at  the  fords ;  Corn 
wallis  fell  ill  of  a  fever  ;  they  were  without  tents,  and  the 
soldiers  bivouacked  in  the  woods,  drenched  with  rain,  in 
unwholesome  air.  After  a  miserable  march  of  fifteen 
days,  they  found  themselves  at  the  posts  from  which  they 
*  Bancroft,  Vol.  X. 


202  THE    BATTLE    OF   THE    COLONELS — NO.  a. 

had  set  out,  near  Camden.  Autumn  malaria  decimated 
the  British  regiments  in  their  garrisons  faster  than  the 
British  ministry  could  replace  them. 

It  was  a  superb  stroke,  King's  Mountain — a  revelation 
to  the  British,  and  it  illuminates  Washington's  meaning 
when,  in  the  midst  of  the  disasters  of  the  Jerseys,  he  de 
clared  that,  if  driven  from  the  Atlantic  coast,  he  could 
retire  behind  the  natural  barrier  of  the  Alleghanies,  and 
still  hold  the  continent. 


XXIIL— 1780. 
MAJOR-GENERAL  GREENE. 

/'"CONGRESS  voted  a  court  of  inquiry  into  Gates'  con- 
\^s  duct  of  the  Southern  Department ;  but  he  was 
finally  acquitted  with  honor.  He  was,  however,,  super 
seded  soon  after  Camden.  That  affair  taught  Congress 
less  confidence  in  their  own  judgment  and  more  in  that 
of  the  commander-in-chief,  who,  at  their  request,  now 
nominated  General  Greene  as  Gates'  successor. 

No  man  owed  more  to  the  patronage  of  the  commander- 
in-chief  than  did  this  officer.  He  wras  a  man  of  unblem 
ished  integrity,  and  a  firm  and  consistent  adherent  to  the 
cause  of  independence  ;  but  his  order  of  talent  fitted  him 
rather  for  usefulness  in  the  council-chamber  than  on  the 
field.  We  reach  this  conclusion  because,  though  he  en 
tered  the  army  before  Boston  in  1775  and  served  to  the 
end  of  the  war,  no  page  of  history  links  his  name  with 
any  remarkable  military  achievement.  Exception  :  he 
crossed  the  Delaware  with  Washington's  detachment  in 
the  attack  upon  Trenton.  His  military  record  at  Forts 
Washington  and  Lee,  at  Brandywine  and  Germantown, 
shed  no  lustre  upon  his  arms.  He  won  no  laurels  at  New 
port,  except  in  waving  the  olive-branch  between  American 
and  French  jealousy  ;  but  we  remember  to  his  honor  that 
he  stood  faithfully  with  Washington  in  the  matter  of  the 
"  Cabal." 

After  Germantown,  Washington  induced  him  to  accept 
the  office  of  quartermaster  ;  but  he  took  it  reluctantly, 
administered  it  ungraciously,  and  finally  so  far  forgot  him 
self  in  his  letters  to  Congress  as  to  draw  the  pronounced 


204  MA  JOE- GENERAL  GREENE. 

censure  of  that  body  ;  and,  but  for  the  prompt  and  vigor 
ous  intervention  of  Washington's  influence,,  he  would 
probably  have  been  dismissed  the  service. 

Greene  had  a  vice  of  letter- writing,  and  has  in  these, 
elaborated  himself  in  a  way  not  conducive  to  his  immor 
tality.  His  fame  would  have  been  more  enduring  if  he 
had  written  fewer  letters,  and  also,  if  Johnson  had  never 
written  his  life. 

General  Greene  came  of  peace-loving  Quaker  parentage, 
yet  he  had  an  inordinate  ambition  for  military  glory,  and 
his  own  reputation  was  to  him  a  perpetual  source  of  dis 
quiet. 

He  assumed  the  duties  of  quartermaster  while  the  army 
was  yet  at  Valley  Forge,  and  when  the  administration  of 
the  commissariat  was  at  its  worst.  There  were  cormo 
rant  contractors  and  sutlers  in  those  days,  who  availed 
themselves  of  the  vicissitudes  of  values  and  the  deprecia 
tion  of  the  currency.  Washington  writes  to  the  Presi 
dent  of  Pennsylvania  with  exceptional  warmth  :  "  It  is 
much  to  be  lamented  that  each  State,  long  'ere  this,  has 
not  hunted  them  down  as  pests  to  society  and  the  greatest 
enemies  we  have.  I  would  to  God  that  some  of  the  more 
atrocious  in  each  State  were  hung  upon  gallows  five  times 
as  high  as  Hainan's ;  no  punishment,  in  my  opinion,  is  too 
severe  for  the  man  who  can  build  his  fortunes  upon  his 
country's  ruin." 

Washington  hoped  much  from  the  integrity  and  industry 
of  Greene,  as  the  department  had  been  placed  "  on  a  cen 
tralized  system  under  Greene's  immediate  authority,  with 
powers  almost  independent  of  Congress,  and  lucrative 
emoluments  for  himself,  his  assistants  and  subordinates." 

But  Greene  was  restive  and  discontented  at  his  .post ; 
he  failed  to  give  satisfaction  and  preferred  to  return  to 
field  service.  He  writes  to  Washington  :  u  I  have  desired 
Congress  to  give  me  leave  to  resign,  as  I  apprehended  a 
loss  of  reputation  if  I  continued  in  the  business.  I  will 


MAJOR-GENERAL   GREENE.  205 

not  sacrifice  my  reputation  for  any  consideration  what 
ever.  I  am  willing  to  serve  the  public,  but  I  think  I  have 
a  right  to  choose  that  way  of  performing  the  service  which 
will  be  most  honorable  to  myself.  *  *  *  *  I  will  not 
deny  that  the  profits  are  flattering  to  my  fortune,  but  not 
less  humbling  to  my  military  pride.  *  *  *  *  *  There 
is  a  great  difference  between  being  raised  to  an  office  and 
descending  to  one,  which  is  my  case.  There  is  also  a  great 
difference  between  serving  where  you  have  a  fair  prospect 
of  honor  and  laurels,  and  where  you  have  no  prospect 
of  either.  Nobody  ever  heard  of  a  quartermaster  in  his 
tory,  as  such,  or  in  relating  any  brilliant  action.  I  en 
gaged  in  this  business  as  well  out  of  compassion  to  your 
Excellency  as  from  a  regard  to  the  public. "  *  [He  no 
where  seems  to  realize  that  he  served  a  cause.] 

At  another  date,  thus  :  "  Your  Excellency  has  made  me 
very  unhappy.  I  can  submit  very  patiently  to  deserved 
censure,  but  it  wounds  my  feelings  exceedingly  to  meet 
with  a  rebuke  for  doing  what  I  conceived  to  be  a  proper 
part  of  my  duty,  and  in  the  order  of  things.  *  *  *  * 
If  I  had  neglected  my  duty  in  pursuit  of  pleasure,  or  if  I 
had  been  wanting  in  respect  to  your  Excellency,  I  would 
have  put  my  hand  upon  my  mouth  and  been  silent  upon 
the  occasion  :  but  as  I  am  not  conscious  of  being  chargeable 
with  either  the  one  or  the  other,  I  cannot  help  thinking 
I  have  been  treated  with  a  degree  of  severity  that  I  am 
in  no  respect  deserving.  Your  Excellency  well  knows 
how  I  came  into  this  department.  It  was  by  your  special 
request,  and  you  must  be  sensible  there  is  no  other  man 
upon  earth  would  have  brought  me  into  the  business  but 
you.  The  distress  the  department  was  in,  the  disgrace  wliicli 
must  accompany  your  operations  without  a  change,  the 
difficulty  of  engaging  a  person  capable  of  conducting  the 
business,  together  with  the  hopes  of  meeting  your  appro 
bation,  and  having  your  full  aid  and  assistance,  rccon- 
*  The  italics,  wherever  occurring,  are  ours. 


206  MAJOR-GENERAL   GREENE. 

ciled  me  to  the  undertaking.  ******  j 
never  solicited  you  for  a  furlough  to  go  home,  to  indulge 
in  pleasure  or  to  improve  my  interest,  which,  by-the-by,  I 
have  neglected  going  on  four  years.  Neither  have  I  ever 
spared  myself,  by  night  or  day,  where  it  has  been  neces 
sary  to  promote  the  public  interest  under  your  direction. 
I  have  never  been  troublesome  to  your  Excellency  to  pub 
lish  anything  to  my  advantage,  although  I  think  myself 
as  justly  entitled  as  some  others  who  have  been  more 
fortunate,  particularly  in  the  action  of  the  Brandywine.  • 
However,  I  can  speak  with  a  becoming  pride  that  I  have 
always  endeavored  to  deserve  the  public  esteem  and  your 
Excellency's  approbation. 

As  I  came  into  the  quartermaster's  department  with 
reluctance,  so  I  shall  leave  it  with  pleasure.  Your  influ 
ence  brought  me  in,  and  the  want  of  your  approbation 
will  induce  me  to  go  out." 

It  is  not  very  surprising  that,  two  months  after  this  date, 
Greene  writes  :  "  This  is  the  third  time  I  have  wrote  since 
I  have  had  a  line  from  your  Excellency.  Should  be  glad 
to  hear  from  you  when  at  leisure,  etc."* 

That  majestic  figure,  living  in  the  ages  rather  than  the 
moments,  working  for  the  races  yet  to  be,  rather  than  for 
his  contemporaries,  opposed  a  matchless  patience,  alike  to 
the  treachery  of  Lee,  the  indifference  of  Adams,  the  arro 
gance  of  Gates,  and  the  petulance  of  Greene. 

Upon  the  fall  of  Charleston,  Greene  had  asked  of  Wash 
ington  the  command  of  the  Southern  Department,  but 
Congress  selected  Gates.  After  the  failure  of  the  complot 
of  Arnold  and  Clinton,  Washington  appointed  Greene 
president  of  the  military  court  that  tried  Andre,  and 
subsequently  Greene  solicited  the  command  of  West  Point. 

"October  5,  1780. 

"Sir:—K  new  disposition  of    the   army  going  to  be 
*  Sparks'  Correspondence  of  Washington,  Vol.  II,  p.  162. 


MAJOR-GENERAL  GREENE.  207 

made,  and  an  officer  appointed  to  the  command  of  West 
Point,  I  take  the  liberty  just  to  intimate  my  inclinations 
for  the  appointment.  *  *  *  *  I  hope  there  is  nothing 
indelicate  or  improper  in  the  application.  I  am  prompted 
to  the  measure  from  the  feelings  incident  to  the  human 
heart,"  etc.  *  *  * 

He  obtained  it,  but  had  occupied  the  post  only  a  few 
days  when  Washington  was  requested  by  Congress  to 
name  Gates'  successor.  He  selected  General  Greene, 
desiring  him  to  proceed  southward  without  delay ;  to 
which  he  replied  : 

"  WEST  POINT,  October  16, 1780. 

"Sir: — Your  Excellency's  letter  of  the  14th,  appoint 
ing  me  to  the  command  of  the  Southern  army,  was  delivered 
me  last  evening.  I  beg  your  Excellency  to  be  persuaded 
that  I  am  fully  sensible  of  the  honor  you  do  me.  I  foresee 
the  command  will  be  accompanied  with  innumerable  em 
barrassments  ;  but  the  generous  support  which  I  expect 
from  the  partiality  of  Southern  gentlemen,  as  well  as  the 
aid  and  assistance  I  hope  to  derive  from  your  Excellency's 
advice  and  extensive  influence,  affords  me  some  consola 
tion  in  contemplating  the  difficulties. 

"  I  will  prepare  myself  for  the  command  as  soon  as  I 
can  ;  if  it  was  possible,  I  should  be  glad  to  spend  a  few 
days  at  home,  before  I  set  out  to  the  southward,  especially 
as  it  is  altogether  uncertain  how  long  my  command  may 
continue,  or  what  deaths  or  accidents  may  happen  during 
my  absence.  However,  it  will  not  be  possible  for  me  to 
leave  this  place  for  several  days,  if  I  put  my  baggage  in 
the  least  order,  or  my  business  in  proper  train  for  such  a 
long  journey.  Nor  is  my  health  in  a  condition  to  set  out 
immediately,  having  had  a  considerable  fever  upon  me  for 
several  days,"  etc. 

Washington  had  not  yet  received  intelligence  of  the 
battle  of  King's  Mountain;  that  event  having  occurred 


208  MAJOR-GEKERAL    GREENE. 

October  8th,  only  five  days  before  he  had  communicated 
to  Greene  his  appointment.     He  returned  for  answer  that 
the  grave  aspect  of  military  affairs  in  South  Carolina  ad 
mitted  no  delay;  that  he  must  set  out  immediately. 
Greene  writes : 

"WEST  POINT,  October  19,  1780. 

"Sir: — Your  Excellency's  favor  of  the  18th  came  to 
hand  this  afternoon.  I  had  given  over  the  thoughts  of 
going  home  even  if  I  obtained  your  permission,  before  I 
received  your  pleasure  upon  the  subject.  Before  I  marched 
from  Tappan  I  wrote  to  Mrs.  Greene  to  come  to  camp, 
and  expect  her  here  every  hour.  Should  I  set  out  before 
her  arrival,  the  disappointment  of  not  seeing  me,  added 
to  the  shock  of  my  going  southward,  I  am  very  apprehen 
sive  will  have  some  disagreeable  effect  upon  her  health, 
especially  as  her  apprehensions  have  been  all  alive  respect 
ing  my  going  southward,  before  there  was  the  least  prob 
ability  of  it.  My  baggage  sets  out  in  the  morning,  if 
Colonel  Hughes  does  not  disappoint  me  about  the  horses ; 
and  my  stay  shall  not  be  more  than  a  day  longer,  whether 
Mrs.  Greene  comes  or  not. 

"Your  Excellency  cannot  be  more  anxious  to  have  me 
come  on,  than  I  am  to  comply  with  your  orders,  especially 
since  the  two  last  articles  of  intelligence,  the  sailing  of  the 
troops  from  New  York,  and  the  advance  of  Lord  Corn- 
wallis  into  the  State  of  North  Carolina,"* 

General  Greene  left  West  Point,  October  20th,  and 
made  a  sort  of  leisurely,  triumphal  procession  southward. 
He  addresses  the  commander-in-chief  from  Philadelphia, 
November  3d,  and  a  few  days  after,  finds  himself  under 
the  hospitable  roof  of  Mount  Vernon,  and  writes  thus,  by 
"candle  light":  " Mount  Vernon  is  one  of  the  mosti 
pleasant  places  I  ever  saw,  and  I  do  not  wonder  you  so* 
*  Sparks'  Correspondence,  Vol.  III.,  p.  123. 


MAJOli-GEtfERAL   GKEEKE.  209 

often  languish  to  return  to  the  pleasures  of  domestic  life. 
Nothing  but  the  glory  of  being  commander-in-chief,  and 
the  happiness  of  being  universally  admired,  could  com 
pensate  for  such  a  sacrifice  as  you  make."  * 

From  Kichmond,  November  19th,  he  writes :  "I  am 
received  and  treated  with  all  the  marks  of  respect  and 
attention  that  I  can  wish.  Your  letters  have  been  of 
singular  service,  and  I  am  exceedingly  obliged  to  you  for 
the  warm  manner  in  which  you  recommended  me  to  the 
notice  of  your  friends.  Your  weight  and  influence,  both 
with  Congress  and  this  State,  in  support  of  the  Southern 
operations,  will  be  exceedingly  important  to  my  success." 

To  Alexander  Hamilton  he  wrote  :  "  General  Washing 
ton's  influence  will  do  more  than  all  the  assemblies  upon 
the  continent.  I  always  thought  him  exceedingly  popular, 
but  in  many  places  he  is  little  less  than  adored,  and  uni 
versally  admired.  From  being  the  friend  of  the  General, 
I  found  myself  exceedingly  well  received." 

Notwithstanding  all  this,  the  horrors  of  the  situation 
began  to  take  hold  on  Greene.  Of  the  Southern  people  he 
says  :  "  I  believe  the  views  and  wishes  of  the  great  body 
of  the  people  are  entirely  with  us.  But  remove  the  per 
sonal  influence  of  a  few,  and  they  are  a  lifeless  and  inani 
mate  mass,  without  direction  or  spirit  to  employ  the 
means  they  possess  for  their  own  security. 

"  I  cannot  contemplete  my  own  situation  without  the 
greatest  degree  of  anxiety.  I  am  far  removed  from  almost 
all  my  friends  and  connections,  and  have  to  prosecute  a 
war  in  a  country,  in  the  best  state,  attended  with  insur 
mountable  difficulties  ;  but  doubly  so  now,  from  the  state 
of  our  finances  and  the  loss  of  public  credit.  How  I  shall 
be  able  to  support  myself,  under  all  these  embarrassments, 
God  only  knows  !  My  only  consolation  is,  that  if  I  fail, 
I  hope  it  will  not  be  accompanied  with  any  peculiar  marks 
of  personal  disgrace.  Censure  and  reproach  even  follow 
*  Greene's  Life  of  Greene,  Vol.  III.,  p.  53. 


210  MAJOR-GENERAL   GREENE. 

the  unfortunate.  This  I  expect,  if  I  don't  succeed.  The 
ruin  of  my  family  is  what  hangs  most  heavy  on  my  mind. 
My  fortune  is  small,  and  misfortune  or  disgrace  to  me, 
must  be  ruin  to  them.  I  beg  your  Excellency  will  do  me 
the  honor  to  forward  the  enclosed  letter  to  Mrs.  Greene, 
who  is  rendered  exceedingly  unhappy  by  my  going  south 
ward.'' 

Arriving  at  Charlotte,  North  Carolina,  December  2d, 
1780,  after  a  journey  of  six  weeks,  Greene  relieved  Gates, 
assumed  command  of  the  Southern  Department,  and 
writes  :  "  To  give  your  Excellency  an  idea  of  the  state  and 
condition  of  this  army,  if  it  deserves  the  name  of  one,  I 
enclose  you  an  extract  of  a  letter  from  General  Gates  to 
the  Board  of  War:  'Nothing  can  be  more  wretched  and 
distressing  than  the  condition  of  the  troops,  starving  with 
cold  and  hunger,  without  tents  or  camp  equipage.  Those 
of  the  Virginia  line  are  literally  naked,  unfit  for  any  kind 
of  duty,  and  must  remain  so  until  clothing  can  be  had 
from  the  north/  " 

Again  :  "I  will  not  pain  your  Excellency  with  further 
accounts  of  the  wants  and  sufferings  of  this  army  ;  but  I 
am  not  without  great  apprehension  of  its  entire  dissolu 
tion  unless  the  commissary's  and  quartermaster's  depart 
ments  can  be  rendered  more  competent  to  the  demands 
of  the  service.  Nor  are  the  clothing  and  hospital  depart 
ments  upon  a  better  footing.  Not  a  shilling  in  the  pay- 
chest,  nor  a  prospect  of  any  for  months  to  come.  This  is 
really  making  bricks  without  straw."  "P.  S.  This  mo 
ment  accounts  have  been  received  that  General  Leslie 
landed  his  troops  at  Charleston  on  the  21st  December, 
and  on  the  24th  was  at  Monk's  corner." 

This  was  strictly  true,  but  not  at  all  new.  Nor  was  it 
peculiar  to  the  Carolinas.  The  Virginia  troops  at  home 
were  naked  ;  Sumter's  and  Marion's  band  of  heroes  were 
in  the  same  state ;  yet  at  this  very  time,  both  in  Virginia 
and  Carolina,  they  were  in  active  warfare  and  doing  capital 


MAJOR-GENERAL   GREENE.  211 

service.  How  often  had  the  army  of  the  commander-in- 
chief  precisely  answered  to  this  description. 

The  commander  doubtless  reminded  him  of  this,  for 
Greene  replies :  "  Your  Excellency's  letter  of  Decem 
ber  13th,  came  to  hand  this  day.  It  is  true  I  came  to  the 
southward  in  expectation  of  meeting  with  difficulties  ; 
but  they  far  exceed  what  I  had  any  idea  of.  *  *  *  We 
will  do  all  in  our  power  ;  but  the  soldiers  have  no  spirit, 
and  it  is  impossible  they  should  in  their  present  situation. 
/  wish  the  enemy  would  give  its  a  little  more  time  to  prepare 
ourselves.  However,  I  don't  intend  to  be  drove  out  of 
North  Carolina,  if  /  can  possibly  avoid  it."* 

Up  to  this  time  General  Greene  had  run  his  career 
under  Washington's  wing,  and  now,  in  desiring  to  com 
mand  a  department  extending  from  Georgia  to  the  Chesa 
peake,  he  had  overestimated  his  abilities. 

Finding  it  impossible  to  subsist  his  army  near  Charlotte, 
he  had  sent  Kosciusko  to  entrench  a  position  in  a  fruit 
ful  region  on  the  Pedee,  at  Cheraw  Hills.  Thither  Greene 
led  his  army,  arriving  on  December  26th,  1780.  Greene 
writes:  "It  is  a  camp  of  repose,  and  no  army  ever 
wanted  one  more ;  the  troops  having  totally  lost  their 
discipline." 

Greene's  biographer  says  that  he  addressed  himself  to 
"disciplining  both  officers  and  men,  inviting  his  officers  to 
his  table  by  turns,  and  endeavoring  to  give  a  higher  tone  to 
their  habits  of  thought  and  conversation"  \ 

Useful,  but  not  well  timed,  in  view  of  the  military 
status ;  the  imminent,  deadly  emergency  at  that  moment, 
both  in  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas.  Polishing  arms  rather 
than  manners  was  in  order,  when  Arnold  was  ravaging 
Virginia  and  burning  her  towns  ;  when  Cornwallis  with 
his  coadjutors  Kawdon,  Webster  and  Tarleton  were  spread 
over  South  Carolina  holding  her  fast  bound;  and  Leslie,  by 

*  Sparks'  Correspondence,  Vol.  III.,  p.  208. 
f  Greene's  Life  of  Greene. 


212  MAJOR-GENERAL   GREECE. 

Greene's  own  report,  with  two  thousand  fresh  troops,  had 
landed  in  Charleston  and  advanced  thirty  miles  on  his  way 
to  join  Cornwallis.  Aside  from  that  "Camp  of  Keposc," 
what  hope  to  confront  this  formidable  enemy  !  Sumter 
and  Marion  were  in  the  field  ;  below  and  between  Camden 
and  Charleston,  watching,  harassing,  and  wasting  the 
enemy,  and  keeping  Greene  informed  of  their  every  move 
ment. 


XXIV.— 1780,  1781. 
MORGAN  TO  THE   RESCUE. 

GATES  had  hailed  the  arrival  in  his  camp  of  Daniel 
Morgan.  It  must  be  said  of  that  officer  that  he 
was  doing  what  he  could,  to  re-collect  and  re-organize  the 
fragments  of  his  broken  army. 

Our  Maryland  heroes,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Howard  and 
Colonel  Otho  H.  Williams,  were  there  with  their  surviving 
continentals ;  some  of  the  Virginia  line ;  with  militia 
newly  arrived  ;  in  all  abont  fourteen  hundred  men. 

Morgan  was  immediately  invited  by  the  North  Carolina 
authorities  to  take  command  of  their  militia,  but  Gates 
had  another  plan.  From  the  two  battalions  of  infantry, 
he  selected  four  hundred  picked  men  under  Colonel 
Howard  ;  a  company  of  riflemen  under  Captain  Rose  ; 
such  fragments  of  Colonels  White  and  Washington's 
cavalry  as  had  escaped  the  sword  of  Tarleton,  were  united 
under  Lieutenant  Colonel  Washington,  and  the  command 
of  the  whole  given  to  Colonel  Morgan,*  October  1,  1780, 
just  seven  days  before  King's  Mountain  flamed  with  sud 
den  glory. 

Upon  intelligence  of  this  fine  stroke,  with  the  total 
derangement  of  Conwallis'  plans  and  his  falling  back 
from  North  Carolina,  Morgan  pressed  forward  also,  into 
South  Carolina.  At  this  time  Gates  received  the  follow 
ing  resolution  of  Congress  with  commission  of  Brigadier 
General  for  Morgan : 

*  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan,  p.  239. 


214  MORGAN    TO    THE    RESCUE. 

"  October  18, 1780. 
"  In  CONGRESS. 

"Congress  took  into  consideration  the  report  of  the 
Board  of  War  respecting  the  promotion  of  Colonel  Mor 
gan,  and  it  appearing  from  the  letters  of  Governors  Jeffer 
son  and  Rut! edge,  and  of  Major  General  Gates,  that 
Colonel  Morgan's  promotion  to  the  rank  of  Brigadier 
General  will  remove  several  embarrassments  which  impede 
the  public  service  in  the  Southern  Department  and  that  it 
will  otherwise  greatly  advance  the  said  service, 

"Resolved,  therefore,  that  Colonel  Daniel  Morgan  be, 
and  hereby  is,  appointed  to  the  rank  of  Brigadier  General 
in  the  army  of  the  United  States. 

"CHARLES  THOMPSON,  Secretary." 

Extract  from  the  minutes. 

Congratulations  poured  in  upon  him  from  brother 
officers  who  best  knew  his  worth,  and  Morgan  set  his 
face  to  the  foe.  His  little  force  had  been  in  part  clothed, 
but  they  were  without  tents,  wagons,  camp  equipage, 
commissariat  or  hospital  stores.  They  were  expected  to 
find  their  own  provisions,  fight  and  sleep,  with  no  shelter 
from  the  storm  and  no  covering  from  the  night  dews, 
"beyond  the  branches  of  the  trees  on  the  leeward  side  of  a 
hill." 

They  soon  found  something  to  do.  A  nest  of  tories 
were  gathered  at  the  farm  of  one  Rugly,  who  had  received 
a  commission  of  Colonel  from  the  British,  and  was  re 
cruiting  for  the  king's  service.  Morgan  detached  his 
cavalry  under  Colonel  Washington,  to  break  them  up. 
Rugly  hearing  of  their  approach,  intrenched  himself  in  a 
log-house  with  a  line  of  abattis,  etc. 

Colonel  Washington  saw  at  once  that  his  troop  of  horse 
was  inadequate  to  the  situation.  Fruitful  in  resources,  he 
improvised  artillery,  by  mounting  a  pine  log  upon  wheels, 
disposed  his  forces  as  if  for  a  cannonade,  and  sent  a  cor- 


MORGAN   TO   THE   RESCUE.  215 

poral  of  dragoons  with  a  summons  to  surrender.  Eugly 
made  110  parley,  but  surrendered  at  once,  and  Washington 
marched  back  with  a  hundred  tory  prisoners,  provisions, 
and  arms. 

Gates'  army  had  meanwhile  advanced  to  Charlotte,  where 
General  Greene  took  command.  With  a  generous  con 
sideration  for  Gates'  feelings,  he  confirmed  all  that  Gen 
eral's  standing  orders,  including  those  to  Morgan.  Two 
weeks  later,  December  20th,  Greene  with  the  main  army 
of  about  twelve  hundred  men  marched  to  Cheraw  Hills  on 
the  Pedee  ;  Morgan  with  a  force  of  less  than  six  hundred 
pushed  forward  to  the  country  between  the  Broad  and 
Pacolet  rivers. 

His  instructions  from  Greene  were,  to  take  position  west 
of  the  Catawba,  and  as  soon  as  joined  by  the  militia  he 
was  to  act  offensively  or  defensively  as  his  prudence  and 
discretion  might  direct,  "  avoiding  surprises  ~by  every  pos 
sible  precaution."  He  was  directed,  if  the  enemy  moved 
towards  the  main  army  at  Cheraw  Hills  to  follow  them 
and  join  forces  with  Greene.  He  was  also  directed  to 
keep  Greene  constantly  informed  of  the  enemy's  move 
ments,  etc. 

Morgan  had  entertained  high  hopes  of  a  large  reinforce 
ment  of  militia, — perhaps  some  of  the  upland  yeomanry 
of  King's  Mountain  fame, — but  the  savage  tribes  were 
astir,  threatening  their  settlements ;  they  were  compelled 
to  remain  and  stand  guard  at  their  own  cabin  doors.  A 
letter  from  the  patriot  leader  Davidson  explains  : 

"December  14,  1780 

"  Dear  Sir: — My  orders  from  General  Greene  were,  to 
join  you  as  soon  as  possible  after  you  crossed  the  river, 
which  I  should  have  effected  before  this  time,  had  the 
troops  joined  agreeable  to  my  expectations.  But  the  ex 
pedition  against  the  Cherokee  Downs,  and  the  murders 
committed  in  Rutherford  and  Burke  counties  have  entirely 


216  MORGAN   TO   THE   RESCUE. 

drawn  off  the  attention  of  the  people  who  were  to  com 
pose  my  command,  etc.,  etc. 

"  WM.  DAVIDSON. 
"  General  DANIEL  MORGAN." 

Morgan  felt  the  more  anxiety  because  every  indication 
pointed  to  a  movement  of  Oornwallis'  army,  so  soon  as  he 
should  be  joined  by  Leslie.  He  had  greatly  desired  to 
enter  at  once  upon  offensive  field  operations  in  which  were 
included  successive  attacks  upon  Ninety-six  and  Augusta, 
and  even  an  attack  upon  the  camp  of  Ooruwallis  himself. 
These  plans  he  was  now  compelled  to  relinquish.  Unable 
to  do  what  he  would,  he  proceeded  to  do  what  he  could, 
in  establishing  magazines  of  supplies  at  various  points  in 
his  rear,  and  organizing  a  system  of  military  detectives  by 
which  he  could  be  supplied  with  speedy  and  constant  in 
formation  of  every  movement  of  the  enemy;  reports  were 
to  be  furnished  at  least  twice  in  twenty -four  hours.  He 
also  dispatched  Colonel  Washington  and  Major  McCall  to 
Fair  Forest  Creek  to  break  up  a  large  camp  of  tories. 
They  completely  surprised,  routed,  captured  or  dispersed 
the  whole  body.  These  tory  encounters,  though  mere 
accessories  to  Morgan's  general  plans,  were  immensely 
useful  in  protecting  the  families  and  property  of  the  whigs, 
and  in  intimidating  the  rising  of  the  tories. 

But  a  powerful  combination  was  forming  against  him, 
and  he  foresaw  earnest  work  at  hand.  Cornwallis  well 
knew  the  temper  of  Morgan's  steel.  Memories  of  Piscata- 
way  and  Rahway,  rose  upon  him.  He  had  been  stung  by 
Morgan's  rifle-balls  throughout  the  campaigns  of  1777, 
1778  and  1779  in  the  Jerse}<s;  and  he  had  a  British,  not 
an  American  estimation  of  the  hero  of  Saratoga. 

Cornwallis  was  anticipating  an  early  advance  into  North 
Carolina  so  soon  as  Leslie  came  up  ;  but  when  he  learned 
that  Morgan  was  afield,  and  hovering  in  the  vicinity  of 
his  important  posts  of  Ninety-six  and  Augusta,  he  called 


MORGAN  TO   THE   EESCUE.  217 

for  his  valiant  Colonel  Tarleton.  There  could  be  no  ad 
vance  without  first  disposing  of  Morgan.  It  was  now 
January  1781. 

"  WINNSBOROUGH,  January  2, 1781. 

"Dear  Tarleton: — I  sent  Haldane  to  you  last  night,  to 
desire  you  would  pass  Broad  river  with  the  legion  and  the 
first  battalion  of  the  71st  as  soon  as  possible.  If  Morgan 
is  still  at  Williams,  or  anywhere  within  your  reach,  I 
should  wish  you  to  push  Mm  to  the  utmost.  I  have  not 
heard,  except  from  Me  Arthur,  of  his  having  cannon,  nor 
would  I  believe  it,  except  on  very  good  authority.  It  is, 
however,  possible,  and  Ninety-six  is  of  so  much  importance 
that  no  time  is  to  be  lost. 

"Yours  sincerely, 

"  COBNWALLIS." 

Morgan's  own  plan  was  to  get  into  the  British  rear  ;  to 
push  down  into  Georgia,  compel  them  to  return  to  the 
defence  of  their  menaced  posts,  and  thus  relieve  the  States 
of  North  Carolina  and  Virginia.  A  course  eminently  wise, 
as  future  operations  showed.  It  looked  a  hazardous  game 
indeed,  and  would  have  been  in  other  hands  ;  but  Mor 
gan,  though  modest  as  valiant,  and  prudent  as  modest, 
could  yet  measure  his  own  resources.  But  Greene,  who, 
Johnson  says,  "never  played  a  hazardous  game  when  a 
safe  one  would  do,"  forbade  Morgan  from  going  so  far 
from  the  "  Camp  of  Kepose"  in  the  Cheraw  Hills. 

Their  correspondence  at  this  time  will  best  disclose  the 
situation.  [The  letters  are  copied  from  Graham's  Life  of 
Morgan — the  italics  are  ours.] 

General  Greene  to  General  Morgan. 

"  CAMP  ON  THE  CHERAWS,  December  29, 1780. 
"  Dear  Sir  : — We  arrived  here  on  the  26th  inst,  after  a 
very  tedious  and  disagreeable  march,  owing  to  the  badness 
10 


218  MORGAN   TO   THE    RESCUE. 

of  the  roads  and  the  poor  and  weak  state  of  our  teams. 
Our  prospects  with  regard  to  provisions  are  mended,  but 
this  is  no  Egypt. 

"  I  have  this  moment  received  intelligence  that  General 
Leslie  has  landed  at  Charleston,  and  is  on  his  way  to 
Camden.  His  force  is  about  two  thousand,  perhaps  some 
thing  less.  I  am  also  informed  that  Lord  Cornwallis  has 
collected  his  troops  at  Camden.  You  will  watch  their 
motions  very  narrowly  and  take,  care  and  guard  against  a 
surprise.  Should  they  move  this  way,  you  will  endeavor 
to  cross  the  river  and  join  us.  Do  not  be  sparing  of  your 
expresses,  but  let  me  know  as  often  as  possible  of  your 
situation.  I  wish  to  be  fully  informed  of  your  prospect 
respecting  provisions,  and  also  the  number  of  militia  that 
has  joined  you.  A  large  number  of  tents  and  hatchets 
are  on  the  road.  As  soon  as  they  arrive,  you  shall  be 
supplied.  Many  other  articles  necessary  for  this  army, 
particularly  shoes,  are  coming  on. 

"  I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

"  NATHANIEL  GREENE. 
"  General  Daniel  MORGAN." 

The  annexed,  from  Colonel  0.  H.  Williams,  reached 
Morgan  at  the  same  time : 

"  CAMP  AT  CHERAW  HILLS,  December  30. 

"  Dear  General : — I  enclose  you  a  number  of  letters,  by 
a  sergeant  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Washington's  regiment, 
which  I  hope  will  arrive  safe.  We  are  at  present  in  a  "  camp 
of  repose,"  and  the  General  is  exerting  himself  and  every 
body  else  to  put  his  little  army  in  a  better  condition.  Tents 
sufficient  for  a  larger  army  than  ours  are  coming  from 
Philadelphia  ;  they  are  expected  to  arrive  early  in  Janu 
ary.  We  also  expect  shoes,  shirts  and  some  other  articles 
essentially  necessary.  General  Marion  writes  the  General 
that  General  Leslie  landed  at  Charleston  with  his  com- 


MORGAN   TO   THE   RESCUE.  219 

mand  on  December  20th,  and  that  he  had  advanced  as  far 
as  Monk's  Corner — probably  they  mean  to  form  a  junc 
tion  and  attempt  to  give  a  blow  to  a  part  of  our  force 
while  we  are  divided,  and  most  probably  that  Uow  ivill  be 
aimed  at  you,  as  our  position  in  the  centre  of  a  wilderness 
is  less  accessible  than  your  camp. 

"  I  know  your  discretion  renders  all  caution  from  me 
unnecessary ;  but  my  friendship  will  plead  an  excuse  for 
the  impertinence  of  wishing  you  to  run  no  risk  of  a  de 
feat.  May  your  laurels  nourish  when  your  locks  fade,  and 
an  age  of  peace  reward  your  toils  in  war.  My  love  to 
every  fellow-soldier,  and  adieu. 

t  i  Yours,  most  truly, 

"  0.  11.  WILLIAMS. 

"  Brigadier- General  MORGAN." 

Morgan,  from  his  camp  on  the  Pacolet,  writes  to  Gen 
eral  Greene  about  the  same  date  : 

"  December  31^,  1780. 

"Dear  General: — After  an  uninteresting  march,  I  ar 
rived  at  this  place  on  the  25th  of  December.  *  *  *  * 
The  militia  are  increasing  fast,  so  that  we  cannot  be  sup 
plied  in  this  neighborhood  more  than  two  or  three  days  at 
farthest.  Were  we  to  advance  and  be  constrained  to  re 
treat,  the  consequences  would  be  very  disagreeable,  and 
this  must  be  the  case  should  we  lay  near  the  enemy  and 
Cornwallis  reinforce,  which  he  can  do  with  great  facility. 

"  General  Davidson  has  brought  in  one  hundred  and 
twenty  men,  and  has  returned  to  bring  forward  a  draft  of 
five  hundred  men.  Colonel  Pickens  has  joined  me  with 
sixty.  Thirty  or  forty  of  the  men  who  came  out  with 
him  have  gone  into  North  Carolina  to  secure  their  effects, 
and  will  immediately  repair  to  my  camp. 

"  When  I  shall  have  collected  my  expected  fdree,  I  shall 
be  at  a  loss  how  to  act.  Could  a  diversion  be  made  in  my 


220  MORGAN   TO   THE   RESCUE. 

favor  l)y  the  main  army,  I  should  wish  to  inarch  into 
Georgia.  To  me  it  appears  an  advisable  scheme,  but 
should  be  happy  to  receive  your  directions  on  this  point, 
as  they  must  ~be  the  guide  of  my  actions. 

"I  have  consulted  with  General  Davidson  and  Colonel 
Pickens,  whether  we  could  secure  a  safe  retreat  should  we 
be  pushed  by  a  superior  force.  They  tell  me  it  can  be 
easily  effected  by  passing  up  the  Savannah  and  crossing 
over  the  heads  of  the  rivers  along  the  Indian  line.  To 
expedite  this  movement,  should  it  meet  with  your  appro 
bation,  I  have  sent  for  one  hundred  swords,  which  I  in 
tend  to  put  into  the  hands  of  expert  riflemen,  to  be 
mounted  and  incorporated  with  Lieutenant-Colonel  Wash 
ington's  corps. 

"  I  have  also  written  to  the  quartermaster  to  have  me  one 
hundred  pack-saddles  made  immediately; — should  be  glad 
if  you  would  direct  him  to  be  expeditious.  Wagons  will 
be  an  impediment,  whether  we  attempt  to  annoy  the 
enemy  or  provide  for  our  own  safety.  It  is  incompatible 
with  the  nature  of  light  troops  to  be  encumbered  with 
baggage. 

"  I  would  wish  to  receive  an  answer  to  this  proposition 
as  soon  as  possible.  This  country  has  been  so  exhausted 
that  the  supplies  for  my  detachment  have  been  precarious 
and  scant  ever  since  my  arrival,  and  in  a  few  days  wrill  be 
unattainable — so  that  a  movement  is  unavoidable.  Should 
this  expedition  be  thought  advisable,  a  profound  secrecy 
will  be  essentially  necessary.  Colonel  Lee's  corps  would 
ensure  its  success. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

"DANIEL  MORGAN. 

"Hon.  Major-General  GREENE." 

General   Greene  to  General  Morgan. 

"  CHERAW,  EAST-SIDE  PEDEE,  January  8, 1781. 
"Dear  Sir:—  Colonel  Malmody  arrived  here  yesterday 


MOIIGAK  TO  THE   EESCUE.  221 

with  your  letter  of  the  31st  December.  I  have  maturely 
considered  your  proposition  of  an  expedition  into  Georgia, 
and  cannot  think  it  warrantable  in  the  critical  situation 
our  army  is  in. 

"  I  have  no  small  reason  to  think,  by  intelligence  from 
different  quarters,  that  the  enemy  have  a  movement  in 
contemplation,  and  that  in  all  probability  it  will  be  this 
way.  *  *  *  *  Should  you  go  into  Georgia,  and  the 
enemy  push  this  way,  your  whole  force  would  be  use 
less.  ****** 

"  If  you  employ  detachments  to  interrupt  supplies  going 
to  Ninety-Six  and  Augusta,  it  will  perplex  the  enemy 
very  much.  If  you  think  Ninety-Six,  Augusta,  or  even 
Savannah,  can  be  surprised,  and  your  force  will  admit  of  a 
detachment  for  the  purpose  and  leave  you  a  sufficiency  to 
keep  up  a  good  countenance,  you  may  attempt  it.  But 
don't  think  of  attempting  either  unless  by  surprise,  for 
you  will  only  beat  your  heads  against  a  wall  without  suc 
cess.  Small  parties  are  better  to  effect  a  surprise  than 
large  bodies,  and  the  success  will  not  greatly  depend  upon 
the  numbers  but  on  the  secrecy  and  spirit  of  the  attack. 
I  must  repeat  my  caution  to  you  to  guard  against  a  sur 
prise.  The  enemy  and  the  tories  will  both  try  to  bring 
you  into  disgrace,  if  possible,  to  prevent  your  influence 
upon  the  militia,  especially  the  weak  and  wavering.  / 
cannot  pretend  to  give  you  any  particular  instructions 
respecting  a  position.  Somewhere  between  the  Saluda  and 
the  north  Broad  Eiver,  appears  to  be  the  most  favorable 
for  annoying  the  enemy,  interrupting  their  supplies,  and 
harassing  their  rear,  if  they  should  make  a  movement  this 
way. 

"  If  you  could  detach  a  small  party  to  kill  the  enemy's 
draft-horses  and  recruiting  cavalry,  upon  the  Congaree,  it 
would  give  them  almost  as  deadly  a  blow  as  a  defeat.  But 
this  matter  must  be  conducted  with  great  secrecy  and 
dispatch.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Lee  has  just  arrived  with 


222  MORGAN   TO   THE   KESCUE. 

his  legion,  and  Colonel  Green  is  within  a  few  days'  march 
of  this  with  a  reinforcement. 

"  I  am,  dear  sir,  etc., 

"NATHANIEL  GREENE. 
* '  Brigadier-General  MORGAN." 

General  Morgan  to  General  Greene. 

"  CAMP  ON  PACOLET,  January  4,  1781. 

"  Dear  Sir  .-_******  Sensible  of  the  im 
portance  of  guarding  against  surprise,  I  have  used  every 
precaution  on  this  head.  I  have  had  men  who  were 
recommended  as  every  way  calculated  for  the  business, 
continually  watching  the  motions  of  the  enemy  ;  so,  unless 
they  deceive  me,  I  am  in  no  danger  of  being  surprised. 
I  have  received  no  acquisition  of  force  since  I  wrote  you ; 
but  I  expect  in  a  few  days  to  be  joined  by  Colonels  Clark's 
and  Twigg's  regiment.  Their  numbers  I  cannot  ascer 
tain.  The  men  on  the  north  side  of  Broad  Eiver  I  have 
not  yet  ordered  to  join  me ;  but  I  have  directed  their 
officers  to  keep  them  in  compact  bodies,  that  they  may  be 
ready  to  march  at  the  shortest  notice.  I  intend  these  as 
a  check  on  the  enemy  should  they  attempt  anything 
against  my  detachment. 

"  My  situation  is  far  from  being  agreeable  to  my  wishes 
or  expectations.  Forage  and  provisions  are  not  to  be  had. 
Here  we  cannot  subsist,  so  that  we  have  but  one  alterna 
tive — either  to  retreat  or  move  into  Georgia,  A  retreat 
will  be  attended  with  the  most  fatal  consequences.  The 
spirit  which  now  begins  to  pervade  the  people  and  call 
them  into  the  field,  will  be  destroyed.  The  militia,  who 
have  already  joined,  will  desert  us,  and  it  is  not  improba 
ble  but  that  a  regard  for  their  own  safety  will  induce  them 
to  join  the  enemy. 

"I  shall  wait  with  impatience  for  your  directions  on 


MORGAN-   TO   THE   RESCUE.  223 

the  subject  of  my  letter  by  Colonel  Malmady,  as  till  then 
my  operations  must  be  suspended. 

"  I  am,  dear  sir,  truly  yours, 

MORGAN." 


Greene  to  Morgan. 

"  CAMP  ON  THE  PEDEB,  January  13,  1781. 

"  Dear  Sir  :  —  I  am  at  this  moment  favored  with  your 
letter  of  the  4th  inst.  Since  I  wrote  you  I  have  received 
letters  from  Virginia,  informing  me  of  the  arrival  there 
of  General  Phillips  with  a  detachment  of  two  thousand 
five  hundred  men  from  New  York.  This  circumstance 
renders  it  still  more  improper  for  you  to  move  far  to  the 
southward.  It  is  my  wish  also  that  you  hold  your  ground, 
if  possible,  for  I  foresee  the  disagreeable  consequences  of 
a  retreat.  If  moving  as  far  as  Ninety-Six,  or  anywhere 
in  the  neighborhood  of  it,  will  contribute  to  the  obtaining 
of  more  ample  supplies,  you  have  my  consent. 

"  Colonel  Tarleton  is  said  to  be  on  his  way  to  pay  you  a 
visit.  I  doubt  not  but  he  will  have  a  decent  reception  and 
a  proper  dismission.  And  I  am  happy  to  find  you  have 
taken  every  precaution  to  avoid  a  surprise.  I  wish  you  to 
be  more  particular  respecting  your  plan  and  object  in  pay 
ing  a  visit  to  Georgia. 

"  Virginia  is  raising  three  thousand  men  to  recruit  this 
army. 

"  I  am,  etc., 

"  NATHANIEL  GREENE." 

Greene  to  Morgan. 

"HEAD  QUARTERS,  January  13,  1781. 

"Dear  Sir:  —  There  are  six  wagon  loads  of  cloth  on  the 
way  from  Charleston  to  the  Congaree  River,  the  property 
of  one  Wade  Hampton,  who,  it  is  said,  wishes  it  to  fall 
into  our  hands.  It  will  halt  on  the  Congaree  at  Friday's 


224  MORGAN   TO   THE   EESCUE. 

Ferry,  but  in  that  situation  you  cannot  get  at  it,  and  the 
man,  it  is  said,  is  willing  to  move  it  on  towards  Ninety- 
Six,  as  if  to  relieve  that  garrison.  To  satisfy  yourself  re 
specting  the  matter,  you  must  send  a  man  to  Mr.  Hamp 
ton  to  inquire  respecting  the  report,  and,  if  true,  concert 
with  him  a  plan  for  getting  possession  of  the  cloth,  as  it 
would  be  of  infinite  importance  to  get  it  into  our  posses 
sion  (!).  You  will  readily  see,  from  the  nature  of  the 
thing,  that  it  is  not  to  be  considered  as  plunder,  nor 
must  anybody  but  yourself  know  anything  of  the  trans 
action,  as  it  would  inevitably  ruin  the  man.  Great  caution 
should  be  taken  to  guard  against  those  evils. 

"I  am,  etc., 

"  NATHANIEL  GREENE." 

General  Morgan  to  General  Greene. 

"  BURR'S  MILLS,  January  15,  1781. 

[Two  days  before  "  Cowpens."] 

"Dear  General: — Your  letters  of  the  3d  and  8th  came 
to  hand  yesterday,  just  as  I  was  preparing  to  change  my 
position.  ******  j  fin(j  ft  impracticable  to  pro 
cure  more  provisions  in  this  quarter  than  are  absolutely 
necessary  for  our  own  immediate  consumption  ;  indeed,  it 
has  been  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that  we  have  been 
able  to  effect  this.  We  have  to  feed  such  a  number  of 
horses,  that  the  most  plentiful  country  must  soon  be  ex 
hausted.  Could  the  militia  be  persuaded  to  change  their 
fatal  mode  of  going  to  war,  much  provision  might  be 
saved  ;  but  the  custom  has  taken  such  deep  root  that  it 
cannot  be  abolished. 

"  Upon  a  full  and  mature  deliberation,  I  am  confirmed 
in  the  opinion  that  nothing  can  be  effected  by  my  detach 
ment  in  this  country,  which  will  balance  the  risks  I  will 
be  subjected  to  by  remaining  here.  The  enemy's  great 
superiority  in  numbers,  and  our  distance  from  the  main 


MORGAN   TO   THE    RESCUE.  225 

army,  will  enable  Lord  Corawallis  to  detach  so  superior 
a  force  against  me  as  to  render  it  essential  to  our 
safety  to  avoid  coming  to  action.  Nor  will  this  be 
always  in  my  power.  No  attempt  to  surprise  me  will 
be  left  untried  by  them,  and,  situated  as  we  must  be, 
every  possible  precaution  may  not  be  sufficient  to  secure 
us.  The  scarcity  of  forage  renders  it  impossible  for  us 
always  to  be  in  a  compact  body  \  and  were  this  not  the 
case,  it  is  beyond  the  art  of  man  to  keep  the  militia  from 
straggling.  [So  "  no  more  of  that."] 

"  My  force  is  inadequate  to  the  attempts  you  have 
hinted  at" — [i.  e.,  to  surprise  Ninety-Six,  or  Augusta,  or 
Savannah,  or  attack  Cornwallis  in  his  camp,  to  send  a 
party  down  upon  the  Congaree,  to  kill  the  enemy's  draft 
and  cavalry  horses,  to  stop  supplies  going  to  the  various 
British  posts,  to  see  after  Mr.  Wade  Hampton's  cloth,  and 
to  fight  Tarleton,  Cornwallis  and  Leslie,  individually  and 
collectively,  etc.,  etc.,  etc.]  u  I  have  now  with  me  only  two 
hundred  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  and  one  hundred 
and  forty  North  Carolina  volunteers.  Nor  do  I  expect  to 
have  more  than  two-thirds  of  these  to  assist  me  should  I 
be  attacked,  for  it  is  impossible  to  keep  them  collected. 
Though  I  am  convinced  that  were  you  on  the  spot,  the 
propriety  of  my  proposition  would  strike  you  forcibly, 
should  you  think  it  inadvisable  to  recall  me,  you  may 
depend  on  my  attempting  everything  to  annoy  the  enemy 
and  to  provide  for  the  safety  of  my  detachment.  I  shall 
cheerfully  acquiesce  in  your  determinations. 

"  Colonel  Tarleton  has  crossed  the  Tyger  at  Musgrove's 
Mills  ;  his  force  we  cannot  learn.  It  is  more  than  prob 
able  we  are  his  object.  Cornwallis  by  last  accounts  was 
at  the  cross-roads  near  Lee's  old  place. 

"We  have  just  learned  that  Tarleton's  force  is  from 
eleven  to  twelve  hundred  British. 

"I  am,  dear  General,  truly  yours, 

MORGAN." 


226  MORGAK   TO   THE   RESCUE. 

General  Greene  to  General  Morgan. 

"  CAMP  ON  PEDEE,  January  19, 1781. 
[Two  days  after  "  Cowpens."] 

"Dear  Sir: — Your  favor  of  the  15th  was  delivered  to 
me  last  night  about  12  o'clock.  *  *  *  I  was  informed  of 
Lord  Cornwallis'  movements  before  the  arrival  of  your 
letter,  and  agree  with  you  in  opinion  that  you  are  his 
object  ;  and  from  his  making  so  general  a  movement,  it 
convinces  me  that  he  feels  a  great  inconvenience  from 
your  force  and  situation.  General  Leslie  has  crossed  the 
Catawba  to  join  him.  He  would  never  harass  his  troops 
to  remove  you  if  he  did  not  think  it  of  some  importance, 
nor  would  he  put  his  collective  force  in  motion  if  he  had 
not  some  respect  for  your  numbers.  /  am  sensible  your 
situation  is  critical,  and  requires  the  most  watchful  atten 
tion  to  guard  against  a  surprise.  But  I  think  it  is  of  great 
importance  to  keep  up  a  force  in  that  quarter. 

"It  is  not  my  wish  you  should  come  to  action  unless 
you  have  a  manifest  superiority  and  a  moral  certainty  of 
succeeding.  Put  nothing  to  the  hazard ;  a  retreat  may  be 
disagreeable,  but  not  disgraceful.  Eegard  not  the  opinions 
of  the  day.  It  is  not  our  business  to  risk  too  much.  Our 
affairs  are  in  too  critical  a  condition  and  require  time  and 
nursing  to  give  them  a  better  tone.  *  *  *  '  Before  this  can 
possibly  reach  you,  I  imagine  the  movements  of  Lord 
Cornwallis  and  Colonel  Tarleton  will  be  sufficiently  ex 
plained,  and  you  be  obliged  to  take  some  decisive  measures. 
I  shall  be  perfectly  satisfied  if  you  keep  clear  of  a  mis 
fortune.  Though  I  wish  you  laurels,  I  am  unwitting  to 
expose  the  common  cause  to  give  you  an  opportunity  to  ac 
quire  them. 

"  As  the  rivers  are  subject  to  sudden  and  great  swells, 
you  must  be  careful  that  the  enemy  do  not  take  a  position 
in  your  rear  where  you  can  neither  retreat  by  your  flanks 


MO11GAN   TO   THE    RESCUE.  227 

or  your  front.  I  am  preparing  boats  to  move  always  with 
the  army  ;  would  one  or  two  be  of  any  use  to  you?  They 
will  be  put  on  wheels  and  made  to  move  with  little  more 
difficulty  than  a  loaded  wagon. 

"I  am,  with  great  esteem,  etc. 

"  NATHANIEL  GKEEXE." 

Here  is  a  most  strange  military  pose.  Greene  with 
twelve  hundred  men,  since  reinforced  by  Lee  and  Colonel 
Green,  intrenched  in  the  fruitful  region  of  the  Pedee,  busy 
in  the  cultivation  of  the  "  habits  of  thought  and  conver 
sation  of  his  officers."  Besides  this  his  pen  moved  inces 
santly  ;  batches  of  letters  issued  from  the  "  camp  of  re 
pose  "  daily  in  all  directions,  to  all  manner  of  officials, 
civil  and  military,  beseeching  for  supplies  and  reinforce 
ments  for  his  army ;  and  it  must  be  said,  with  very  fair 
success.  Tents,  wagons,  hatchets,  nails,  shirts  and  shoes, 
in  short,  everything  drifted  that  way.  The  General  was 
also  preparing  strong  pens  for  prisoners,  forgetting  the 
old  receipt  for  "cooking  a  fish."  He  shows  himself  every 
inch  the  Quartermaster. 

Washington's  army  was  emaciated  with  the  drain 
southward.  He  had  sent,  after  the  fall  of  Charleston,  De 
Kalb  and  his  efficient  Maryland  and  Delaware  brigade. 
To  Greene's  cry  of  entreaty  he  now  dispatched  Lee's  fine 
corps  of  cavalry  and  counselled  that  the  whole  energies 
of  the  rich  State  of  Virginia  should  be  turned  in  that 
direction. 

Jefferson,  then  Governor  of  Virginia,  followed  these 
counsels  of  Washington  until  he  drew  upon  himself  the 
censure  of  his  own  people  for  the  defence  of  the  Carolinas 
at  the  expense  of  Virginia.  To  Steuben,  Washington 
wrote  :  "  Make  the  defence  of  the  State  interfere  as  little 
as  possible  with  the  measures  for  succoring -General  Greene. 
Bancroft  says  :  "  With  a  magnanimity  that  knew  nothing 
of  fear,  Virginia  laid  herself  bare  for  the  protection  of  the 


228  MORGAN   TO   THE   RESCUE. 

Carolinas."  Greene  himself  wrote  to  Washington  after 
ward  :  * { Virginia  has  given  me  every  support  I  could 
wish."  Further  on,  in  reply  to  Greene's  still  urgent 
entreaty  for  aid,  Washington  says  that  "but  a  handful  of 
troops  remain  to  him,  and  should  he  send  any  more  he 
would  be  compelled  to  accompany  and  command  them, 
or  be  left  without  an  army. " 

We  see  Morgan  with  his  small  force  pushed  forward,  to 
gorge  the  British  tiger  Tarleton,  held  to  a  position  in 
which  he  cannot  even  maintain  his  little  army  intact,  but 
must  scatter  it  to  prevent  starvation ;  forbidden  to  ad 
vance  or  retreat,  and  bid  to  stand  and  be  eaten  ;  enjoined 
not  to  fight,  unless  with  a  "  manifest  superiority  and  a  moral 
certainty  of  success;"  above  all  not  to  be  "surprised;" 
and  finally  to  take  "decisive  measures "  with  Tarleton. 
These  puerile  and  incoherent  cautions  seem  singularly 
misaddressed,  to  the  man  who  had  never  been  known  to 
be  surprised  from  Quebec  to  Cowpens. 

Morgan,  as  we  have  seen,  had  delicately  hinted  to  Greene 
the  propriety  of  some  "diversion  in  his  favor,  by  the 
main  army,"  and  suggested  that  Lee's  cavalry  would  be 
invaluable  to  him.  But  Greene  saw  fit  to  send  Lee  entirely 
in  an  opposite  direction.  He  was  perfectly  aware  that 
Morgan  was  menaced  by  Tarleton  and  Cornwallis,  and 
that  Leslie  was  well  on  his  way  to  join  the  latter.  Steuben, 
who  commanded  in  Virginia,  had  sent  troops,  which  he 
sorely  needed  at  home,  against  Arnold  and  Phillips,  ex 
pressly  in  order  that  Greene  might  prevent  the  junction 
of  Leslie  with  Cornwallis. 

Johnson  says  that  Greene  actually  "contemplated 
striking  at  Cornwallis'  army  in  their  divided  condition," 
but  it  never  developed  further  than  a  contemplation. 
Leslie  marched  without  interruption  up  through  the 
State,  crossed  the  Catawba  and  joined  Cornwallis  on  Jan 
uary  18th,— just  one  day  too  late— Cowpens  was  fought 
on  the  17th. 


MORGAN   TO    THE    RESCUE.  229 

Tarleton  had  expressly  arranged  that  he  and  Corn  wall  is 
should  advance  simultaneously  upon  Morgan,  as  their 
design  was  to  capture  or  annihilate  him  and  his  army. 
Cornwallis  confirmed  the  arrangement,  but  supposing 
certainly  that  Greene,  with  the  main  army,  more  than 
twice  Morgan's  force,  would  not  stand  an  idle  spectator 
of  these  military  movements,  but  would  move  out  to  dis 
pute  the  advance  of  Leslie,  dared  not  march  northward 
until  Leslie's  safety  was  assured.  Cornwallis  miscalcu 
lated;  a  masterly  inactivity  was  the  role  of  the  main 
army ;  neither  a  diversion  nor  a  co-operation  was  to  be 
attempted,  and  to  Morgan's  last  appeal,  with  the  intelli 
gence  that  Tarleton  was  close  upon  him  with  eleven  hun 
dred  picked  British  regulars,  Greene  offers  the  sole  conso 
lation  of  "boats  on  wheels." 

If  Greene  had  had  the  grace  to  loan  him  the  main  army 
and  Lee's  cavalry  for  ten  days  !  What  then  ?  We  might 
have  lacked  Yorktown. 

Professor  G.  W.  Greene,  in  his  "  Historical  Views  of  the 
Conduct  of  the  Kevolution,"  says:  "The  recon quest  of 
the  South,  and  the  brilliant  campaigns  of  '80  and  '81,  be 
long  exclusively  to  Greene."  A  slovenly  statement,  to  say 
the  least.  General  Greene  assumed  command  of  the  South 
ern  Department  at  Charlotte,  KG.,  December  4th,  1780. 
Just  twenty-seven  days  of  the  year  1780  remained,  though 
General  Greene's  field-service  does  not  commence  until  Feb 
ruary  8th,  1781,  when  Morgan  brought  his  victorious  army 
from  Cowpens  to  Guilford  0.  H.,  and  General  Huger  joined 
him  the  next  day  with  the  main  army  from  Cheraw  Hills. 

It  would  add  nothing  to  General  Greene's  military  fame 
if  it  were  possible  to  identify  him  with  1780, — the  year  of 
gloom  and  disaster  at  the  South  :  the  fall  of  Charleston, 
the  shame  of  Camden,  and  Tarleton's  iron  heel  crushing 
in  upon  the  Carolinas. 

That  gloom  is  broken  only  by  the  heroic  strokes  of 
Sumter  and  Marion  with  the  swamp  heroes,  and  by  the 


230  MORGAN   TO   THE   RESCUE. 

glory  of  King's  Mountain,  October  7th,  1780,  five  days 
before  Greene  at  West  Point  received  the  intelligence  of 
his  appointment  to  the  South. 

General  Greene  was  entirely  innocent  of  any  of  this 
good  work ;  and  the  main  army  lay  dreaming  in  their 
tents  in  their  "  Gamp  of  Kepose,"  a  hundred  and  fifty 
miles  away,  on  that  memorable  winter  dawn,  January 
17th,  1781,  when  Morgan  and  his  handful  of  heroes,  hotly 
pressed  by  Tarleton,  turned  upon,  crushed  and  captured 
his  army,  routed  and  pursued  the  hitherto  invincible,  and 
wron  immortal  fame. 

But  we  anticipate.  Morgan's  admirable  system  of  mili 
tary  detection  now  served  him  to  purpose.  He  knew 
every  movement  of  Tarleton  and  Cornwallis  almost  as 
soon  as  made;  and,  like  a  skillful  player,  penetrated  and 
anticipated  their  game.  Nor  did  Morgan  underestimate 
his  powerful  antagonist.  He  knew  that  Tarleton  had 
thus  far  triumphantly  ridden  down  all  opposition.  Marion 
alone  had  escaped,  by  skilfully  declining  to  measure 
swords  with  him.  Morgan  did  not  seek  the  encounter ; 
Tarleton  compelled  it.  Morgan  resolved,  however,  to 
select  his  own  battle-field.  "  Observing  the  guarded  and 
deliberate  manner  in  which  Tarleton  advanced  upon  him, 
— so  unlike  that  officer's  usual  mode  of  approaching  an 
opponent" — he  was  confirmed  in  his  suspicion  of  the  plan 
concerted  between  him  and  Cornwallis  to  entrap  him. 

He  resolved  to  cross  the  Pacolet  and  march  towards  the 
upper  waters  of  the  Broad  River,  which  would  enable  the 
small  detachments  of  militia  he  had  stationed  there  to 
join  him,  and,  in  case  of  misfortune,  facilitate  a  retreat 
toward  the  main  army  at  Cheraw. 

Accordingly  he  broke  up  his  camp,  put  his  troops  in 
motion  on  January  15th,  crossed  the  Pacolet  and  en 
camped  for  the  night  at  Burr's  Mills,  on  Thicketty  Creek. 
Here  it  was  that  he  wrote  his  last  letter  to  Greene — two 
days  before  Cowpens — warning  him  that  it  would  not  be 


MORGAN   TO   THE   RESCUE.  231 

always  in  his  power  to  obey  bis  instructions  by  evading  a 
battle. 

Tarleton  followed,  crossing  the  Pacolet  the  morning 
after.  Learning  this,  Morgan  immediately  put  his  army 
upon  the  march.  Pushing  on  by  a  mountain  road,  he 
passed  Hancocksville  at  noon,  turned  into  a  by-path,  and, 
arriving  at  Cowpens  about  sun-down,  he  ordered  a  halt. — 
"  I'll  go  no  further." 


xxv.—  mi. 

AT  THE  "COWPENS." 


"  Their  Diomede,  brave  in  battle,  prayed:  'Hear  me,  O  daughter  of  JEgis- 
beariug  Jove,  unwearied  ;  if  ever  favoring,  thou  stoodest  by  me  in  the  hostile 
fight,  now  in  turn  befriend  me,  O  Minerva,  and  grant  me  to  slay  this  man  who 
boasts,  saying  that  I  shall  not  long  behold  the  brilliant  sun."  Thus  he  spoke 
praying,  and  Pallas  Minerva  heard  him,  and  gave  strength  and  daring  to  Diomede 
that  he  might  become  conspicuous  among  all  the  Argives,  and  might  bear  off  for 
himself  excellent  renown.  And  she  kindled  from  his  helmet  and  his  shield  an 
unwearied  fire,  and  standing  near  him,  spoke  winged  words.11 

ILIAD,  BookV. 


E^FT  with  these  fearful  odds,  the  immortal  gods  came 
about  our  hero,  and  Cowpens,  more  than  any  other 
Revolutionary  battle-field  recalls  the  splendid  machinery 
of  the  Homeric  strifes.     Thus  the  old  Greek  would  say 
it,  but,  in  our  "  surer  word,"  "God  sent  his  angel." 

Cowpens  and  Trenton  stand  illuminated  with  a  super 
human  glory.  At  Trenton,  when  the  Hessians  threw 
down  their  arms,  "Washington,  whose  strong  will  had 
been  strained  for  seventeen  hours,  gave  way  to  his  feelings, 
and  with  clasped  hands  raised  his  eyes,  gleaming  with 
thankfulness,  to  heaven."  *  At  Cowpens,  after  the  victory, 
Morgan,  riding  over  the  field,  was  heard  to  utter  audible 
thanksgivings  to  the  God  of  battles,  f  Tarleton  attempts 
in  vain  to  account  for  his  amazing  discomfiture.  After 
suggesting  many  things  which  might  have  inclined  the 
battle  otherwise,  he  says,  "  but  after  all  it  remains  a  mys 
tery.  It  was  either  the  bravery  or  good  conduct  of  the 
Americans,  or  the  loose  manner  of  forming,  always  prac 
ticed  by  the  king's  troops  in  America,  or  some  unforeseen 
*  Bancroft,  Vol.  IX.  f  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan. 


AT  THE   COWPENS.  233 

event,  which  may  throw  terror  into  the  most  disciplined 
soldiers  or  counteract  the  best  concerted  designs." 

Cowpens  offers  several  further  parallels  to  Trenton. 
The  long  series  of  disasters  at  the  South  had  exhausted 
the  resources  and  well-nigh  broken  the  hearts  and  crushed 
the  hopes  of  that  gallant  people.  King's  Mountain,  in 
deed,  had  made  a  rift  in  the  cloud,  but  there  they  had 
contended  mainly  with  an  army  of  tories.  Added  to  the 
well-appointed  army  of  Cornwallis,  Tarleton  had  struck  a 
terror  into  the  Southern  heart  like  that  with  which  the 
Hessian  soldiers  had  inspired  the  Northern  patriots  after 
the  defeat  of  Long  Island  and  the  reverses  of  the  com- 
mander-iu -chief  in  New  Jersey.  They  saw  nothing  to 
oppose  to  such  adversaries.  As  Trenton  dispelled  the  illu 
sion  that  invested  the  Hessian  with  invincible  might,  so 
Cowpens  broke  the  spell  that  held  the  Carolinas  nerveless 
before  Tarleton. 

At  Trenton  and  Cowpens,  Washington  and  Morgan 
equally  realized  the  momentous  issues  of  the  hour,  and 
felt  the  absolute  necessity  of  success  to  the  cause.  After 
the  landing  of  Washington's  detachment  near  Trenton, 
Sullivan  "  reported  to  him  by  one  of  his  aids,  that  the 
arms  of  his  party  were  wet."  "  Then  tell  your  General," 
answered  Washington,  "to  use  the  bayonet,  and  penetrate 
into  the  town,  for  the  town  must  be  taken,  and  I  am  re 
solved  to  do  it."  *  Then  Stark's  bayonets  rushed  forward. 

Morgan  knew  "he  walked  o'er  perils,  on  an  edge,  more 
likely  to  fall  in,  than  to  get  o'er."  What  struggle  shook 
his  soul  on  that  battle's  eve,  we  know  not ;  but  that  he 
came  out  from  it,  strong  and  calm,  we  do  know. 

Himself  tells  us  of  the  terror  that  agitated  him  on  that 
New  Year's  eve  of  1775  before  the  assault  on  Quebec.  "  He 
was  sleeping  when  the  order  was  given  for  his  regiment  to 
form.  Upon  awaking  his  mind  became  suddenly  so  im 
pressed  with  the  fearful  nature  of  the  enterprise  in  which 
*  Bancroft,  Vol.  IX. 


234  AT  THE   COWPENS. 

he  was  about  to  engage,  that  he  shivered  through  his 
whole  frame,  and,  for  a  time,  felt  quite  unequal  to  the  task 
which  duty  and  honor  imposed  upon  him.  He  sought 
out  a  secluded  spot,  and,  kneeling  down,  he  prayed  most 
fervently  for  protection  for  himself  and  his  men,  and  for 
a  triumph  for  his  country.  He  rose  with  courage  and  con 
fidence,  and  with  cheerfulness  took  his  place  at  the  head 
of  his  command."  Morgan's  own  words  are:  "If  ever  I 
prayed  in  earnest  it  was  upon  that  occasion,  committing 
myself  into  the  hands  of  the  Almighty  and  imploring  his 
protection.  Having  done  so,  I  rose  from  my  knees,  dis 
missed  my  fears,  and  led  on  my  men  to  the  assault.  I 
verily  believe  it  was  entirely  owing  to  an  overruling  Pro 
vidence,  in  whom  I  reposed  confidence,  that  I  was  so 
mercifully  protected,  and  brought  off  safely  from  the  ex 
treme  dangers  through  which  I  passed  on  that  morning."* 

Morgan  had  informed  himself  accurately  of  the  nature 
and  strength  of  Tarleton's  force.  Picked  British  regulars, 
twice  his  number  of  infantry,  three  times  his  number  of 
cavalry,  and  well  served  artillery.  Oornwallis'  army  was 
almost  within  striking  distance.  Of  artillery  Morgan  had 
none,  but  hoped  to  offset  this  ugly  odds  by  the  rifle-balls 
of  his  skilled  marksmen. 

His  little  army  included  what  remained  of  the  gallant 
brigade  of  Marylanders  under  Howard,  who  on  that  shame 
ful  field  of  Camden,  drove  the  British  left  wing  before 
them  at  the  point  of  their  bayonets,  and  saved  American 
honor.  A  more  daring  and  effective  corps  of  cavalry  for 
its  numbers  than  that  of  Colonel  Washington,  did  not 
exist.  Some  of  his  militia  had  also  served  short  terms 
among  the  Continental  army. 

On  the  evening  before  the  battle  Colonel  Pickens  reached 

the  camp  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  militia  from  the 

Broad  "River.    During  the  night  several  other  parties  came 

in,  fifty  in  all.     Morgan  felt  himself  sustained  by  officers 

*  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan. 


AT   THE   COWPE^S.  235 

in  whom  he  reposed  unwavering  confidence,  who,  in  turn, 
knew  how  they  were  generalled,  and  were  well  content  to 
steel  themselves  from  their  leader's  metal. 

Notably  the  gallant  Colonel  Pickens,  Lieutenant-Colo 
nels  Washington  and  Howard  of  Maryland  were  towers 
of  strength.  True  they  had  fled  before  Taiieton  at  Cam- 
den,  and  will  again  at  Guilford  Court-House ;  but  now  at 
Cowpens,  he  shall  fly  before  them. 

Morgan's  first  care  was  to  strengthen  his  cavalry,  so  far 
inferior  in  numbers  to  that  of  his  enemy.  He  called  for 
volunteers,  and  forty-five  men  stepped  forward.  They 
were  equipped  and  added  to  Washington's  corps.  He  next 
directed  his  baggage  to  move  before  daylight  toward  the 
fords  of  the  Broad  River  ;  and  there  await  further  orders. 
Patrolling  parties  were  dispatched  in  different  directions 
to  watch  and  report  every  move  of  the  enemy,  who  was 
encamped  not  far  distant.  The  troops  were  dismissed  to 
food  and  rest.  Morgan  with  his  officers  sat  in  council ; 
and  after  that — the  council  over — what  then? 

There  could  be  no  repose  for  Morgan.  Bodies  of  militia 
were  arriving  all  through  the  night,  on  which,  in  part,  his 
hopes  depended.  Some  of  these  he  had  never  seen  before, 
and  they  did  not  know  their  comrades.  Morgan  under 
stood  the  militia  thoroughly ;  gave  them  full  credit  for 
the  kind  of  service  they  rendered,  and  knew  how  to  obtain 
that  service  from  them. 

The  first  sight  of  such  a  commander  inspired  them  with 
confidence ;  his  powerful  physique  and  dignified  military 
presence  ;  his  reputation  for  judgment  and  courage ;  the 
fame  of  his  achievements  ;  above  all,  the  soul  of  goodness 
tli  at  beamed  from  his  countenance  and  warmed  his  genial, 
friendly  manner,  drew  their  hearts  to  him. 

These  new  unpracticed  militia — children  in  war — must 
be  educated  over  night  and  brought  into  sympathy  and 
brotherhood  with  his  little  army.  Morgan  must  impart 
somewhat  of  himself  to  every  heart  and  arm,  that  they 


236  AT  THE   COWPEXS. 

may  strike  together,,  as  with  one  heart  and  one  arm,  on 
the  morrow. 

A  volunteer,  Major  Thomas  Young,  tells  us  this  anec 
dote,  for  which  we  thank  him  right  heartily.  He  says  : 

"I  think  Morgan  never  slept  a  moment  that  night. 
He  was  moving  about  among  the  newly  arrived  volunteers, 
giving  them  words  of  encouragement,  inspecting  their 
arms,  directing  them  how  best  to  prepare  themselves. 
He  showed  a  confident  and  cheerful  air,  joked  with 
them  about  their  sweethearts  at  home,  predicting  the 
certainty  of  success  and  the  glory  they  would  win.  He 
promised  them,  if  they  would  but  stand  by  him,  the  '  old 
wagoner'  would  crack  his  whip  over  Ban  Taiieton  on  the 
morrow.  'Hold  up  your  heads,  boys;  three  fires  and  you 
are  free  ;  and  when  you  go  back  to  your  homes,  how  the 
old  folks  will  bless  you,  and  the  girls  kiss  you  for  your 
gallant  deeds.' " 

Morgan  argued  favorably  from  the  fact  that  Tarleton 
was  intoxicated  with  his  long  tide  of  success.  Lastly,  with 
the  morning  came  the  intelligence  that  Cornwallis  had 
not  yet  moved  from  Turkey  Creek  ;  which  meant  that 
Leslie  had  not  come  up  and  he  had  only  Tarleton  to  fight. 

Tarleton's  army  was  in  motion  at  three  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  the  17th,  and  at  dawn  an  advance  guard  of 
his  cavalry  drove  one  of  Morgan's  patrols,  who  came  into 
camp,  after  a  running  fight,  and  reported  the  approach  of 
the  British.  Meantime  two  troops  of  cavalry  were  sent 
forward  with  orders  to  harass  the  American  rear,  suppos 
ing  of  course  that  they  were  retreating.  They  returned 
to  announce  that  the  Americans  awaited  them  in  battle 
array. 

They  were  deployed  upon  the  field  that  Morgan  had 
selected  ;  since  occupied  by  the  iron  works  of  Messrs. 
Hampton  and  Elmore  in  Spartansburg  district. 

It  measured  from  front  to  rear  about  five  hundred  yards, 
and  was  crossed  by  two  eminences ;  the  first  of  which, 


-~y^--«*-V-  .Jfnywwr**^ 

* -  «-    -~^^S 75r«Zat,~—  & 


-fcr— <--^_!"=^  " 

T::-  ^^ 


AT   THE    COWPENS.  237 

gently  ascending  and  stretching  to  the  right  and  left, 
attained  its  highest  point  about  three  hundred  yards  from 
the  front.  The  ground  then  descended  for  about  eighty 
yards,  when  it  gradually  rose  into  a  second  eminence. 
The  position  was  far  from  the  neighborhood  of  swamps, 
free  from  underbrush,  and  covered  with  an  ordinary 
growth  of  pine  trees;  selected  with  intelligent  reference 
to  the  character  of  his  troops  and  his  plan  of  battle. 

Morgan's  muster-rolls  gave  over  nine  hundred  men,  but 
one  detachment  had  gone  with  the  baggage,  another  with 
prisoners  to  Salisbury,  a  third  guarded  the  horses  of  the 
militia  in  the  rear,  and  a  percentage  of  disabled  or  sick 
reduced  his  fighting  force  to  eight  hundred.  Morgan 
himself  gives  this  number,  and  we  take  his  word.  The 
British  force  reached  eleven  hundred,  with  artillery. 

On  the  first  eminence,  Morgan  posted  the  detachment 
that  was  to  bear  the  strain  of  the  battle — Howard's  bat 
talion  of  Continentals,  with  the  Virginia  militia  under 
Triple tt,  less  than  four  hundred  men.  In  front  of  these 
were  posted  the  main  body  of  militia,  under  Colonel 
Pickens,  about  three  hundred  strong.  A  hundred  yards  in 
advance  of  these,  were  a  body  of  Georgians  to  the  right, 
and  about  the  same  number  of  Carolinians  on  the  left, 
selected  for  their  courage  and  skill  with  the  rifle. 

Upon  the  second  eminence,  a  hundred  and  fifty  yards 
in  the  rear  of  the  main  body,  Colonel  Washington  was 
posted  with  his  cavalry,  one  hundred  and  twenty  strong. 
He  was  to  rally  the  militia  should  they  fly,  and  protect 
them  should  they  be  pursued.  Back  of  these  the  horses 
of  the  militia  were  secured  to  the  boughs  of  young  pine 
trees,  saddled-and  bridled,  ready  for  use  in  any  emergency. 

They  had  scarcely  taken  their  several  positions,  when 
Morgan  was  informed  that  Tarleton's  dispositions  were 
such  as  implied  an  immediate  attack.  Delay  would  have 
been  Tarleton's  best  policy,  and  was  what  Morgan  most 
feared,  but  now  departed  from  his  mind  every  doubt  of 


238  AT  THE   COWPENS. 

the  result,  and  a  noble  confidence  inspired  his  every  word 
and  action,  and  communicated  itself  to  his  followers. 

While  the  enemy  formed  their  line  of  battle,  he  occu 
pied  the  short  and  awful  interval  to  give  to  the  respective 
lines  the  necessary  directions,  and  utter  a  final  word  of 
appeal  to  their  courage  and  patriotism.  To  the  picked 
body  of  marksmen  in  front,  his  instructions  were,  to  take 
the  cover  of  the  trees,  and,  upon  the  approach  of  the 
enemy  within  good  shooting  range,  to  show  whether  or 
not  they  were  entitled  to  their  reputation  of  brave  men 
and  good  marksmen. 

They  were  to  retire  slowly  as  the  enemy  advanced,  load 
ing  and  firing  under  shelter  of  the  trees,  until  they  reached 
the  main  body  under  Pickens,  with  whom  they  were  to 
act.  He  had  set  the  Georgians  on  the  right  and  the 
Carolinians  on  the  left,  with  the  view  of  exciting  a  spirit 
of  rivalry.  "Let  me  see,"  as  he  turned  from  the  line, 
"  which  are  most  entitled  to  the  credit  of  brave  men." 
To  the  main  body  of  militia  he  then  addressed  himself. 
His  orders  were,  to  reserve  their  fire  until  the  enemy  ap 
proached  within  fifty  yards,  when,  after  delivering  two 
well-directed  rounds,  they  were  to  retire  in  good  order  and 
take  position  on  the  left  of  the  main  line,  in  the  rear, 
firing  by  regiments  as  they  fell  back. 

Having  concluded  these  minute  directions,  he  then  ap 
pealed  to  their  courage  and  patriotism.  He  complimented 
them  upon  the  excellent  service  they  had  already  rendered, 
with  all  the  disadvantages  of  contending  with  regular 
troops,  and  besought  them  on  this  day  to  add  to  that 
reputation. 

He  asked  but  an  ordinary  display  of  manhood  on  their 
part  to  render  victory  certain.  He  adroitly  hinted  that 
flight  would  but  ensure  their  destruction,  while  safety, 
advantage  and  honor  would  alike  be  obtained  by  a  coura 
geous  resistance.  He  assured  them  that,  for  himself,  he 
had  not  a  doubt  of  the  result,  if  they,  the  militia,  would 


AT   THE   COWPENS.  239 

but  perform  their  simple  duty.  lie  recalled  the  glory  of 
his  previous  battle-fields,  in  which,  at  the  head  of  his 
valiant  rifle  regiments,  he  bad  humbled  foes  far  more  for 
midable  than  those  now  before  him,  and  expressed  the 
mortification  lie  had  experienced  at  having  been  compelled, 
in  obedience  to  orders,  to  avoid  grappling  with  an  opponent 
whom  he  felt  satisfied  he  could  crush  whenever  he  chose. 
Rehearsing  his  orders,  with  an  exhortation  to  obey  them 
with  firmness,  he  proceeded  to  Howard's  main  line.  A  few 
brief  words  were  all  that  were  necessary  here.  They  needed 
no  stimulus  of  spirit-stirring  speech  to  the  performance 
of  heroic  deeds. 

He  explained  to  them  his  instructions  for  the  move 
ments  of  the  militia,  prepared  them  to  expect  the  retreat 
of  that  body,  and  his  purpose  to  be  accomplished  by  this 
maneuvre.  He  directed  them  to  fire  low  and  deliberately  ; 
not  to  break  on  any  account,  and,  if  forced  to  retire,  to 
rally  on  the  eminence  in  their  rear,  where,  supported  by 
the  cavalry  and  militia,  there  could  be  no  defeat.  He 
reminded  them  of  their  own  proud  achievements,  and 
charged  them  that  with  them  rested  the  final  fortunes  of 
the  day  and  the  good  to  be  achieved  for  their  country. 

Tarleton  himself  led  the  attack  by  moving  forward  with, 
a  small  reconnoitering  party.  A  salute  of  rifle-balls,  from 
the  American  advance,  convinced  him  that  prudence  was 
the  better  part  of  valor.  He  retired  and  directed  a  troop 
of  cavalry  to  charge  the  line  and  drive  it  in  upon  the  rear 
body  of  militia  under  Pickens.  The  Georgians  and  Caro 
linians  strictly  obeyed  the  orders  they  had  received, — re 
tired  slowly,  loading  and  firing,  and  joined  the  main  force, 
after  having  emptied  fifteen  saddles. 

Tarleton  by  this  time  had  ordered  the  advance  of  his 
artillery,  and,  under  cover  of  a  warm  fire,  was  forming 
his  right  wing.  His  light  and  legion  infantry,  divesting 
themselves  of  everything  but  their  arms  and  ammunition, 
rapidly  formed  on  the  right,  and,  covered  by  the  fire  of  a 


240  'AT  THE   COWPEN'S. 

three-pounder,  approached  to  within  three  hundred  yards 
of  the  militia.  The  seventh  regiment  formed  to  the  left 
of  the  light  infantry,  covered  by  another  three-pounder. 
Fifty  dragoons  on  each  flank  completed  the  disposition  of 
Tarleton's  main  line.  The  first  battalion  of  the  seventy- 
first  infantry,  with  two  hundred  of  the  legion  cavalry, 
were  reserved  at  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  to  the 
rear. 

Tarleton  ordered  a  prompt  advance  of  the  whole  line, 
accompanied  by  a  continual  fire  of  the  artillery.  When 
within  about  one  hundred  yards  of  the  American  front, 
they  received  a  close  and  deadly  fire  from  the  militia  under 
Pickens.  Succeeding  discharges  told  well  upon  them, 
especially  their  officers,  not  one  of  whom  showed  himself 
conspicuously  but  was  brought  to  the  ground. 

Their  pace  slackened,  and  an  evident  disorder  pervaded 
their  line,  but  they  recovered  and  continued  their  forward 
movement  in  the  face  of  the  fire  of  Pickens'  rifles. 

The  militia  behaved,  nobly,  they  did  more  than  had 
been  required  of  them.  They  now  retreated,  facing  the 
foe  and  firing,  to  their  place  on  the  American  left,  but, 
before  they  could  form  in  position  here,  Tarleton  ordered 
a  cavalry  charge.  This  broke  their  lines,  and  they  re 
treated  rapidly,  pursued  by  the  cavalry,  to  the  rear  emi 
nence,  and  to  the  protection  of  Washington's  legion, — 
precisely  as  they  had  been  directed. 

The  British,  deceived  by  the  apparent  flight  of  the 
militia,  supposing  the  victory  already  achieved,  set  up  a 
deafening  shout,  and  with  a  rapid  but  uneven  pace, 
pressed  forward  upon  the  main  line  under  Howard.  Now 
came  the  tug  of  battle.  The  Continentals  held  their 
ground  as  if  rooted  to  the  spot,  and  rapidly  delivered  their 
fire.  The  British  line  faltered,  ceased  to  advance,  and 
showed  rather  a  disposition  to  retire  ;  so  much  so,  that 
Tarleton  hastily  ordered  up  his  reserves  —  infantry  and 
cavalry — to  their  support. 


AT  THE   COWPENS.  241 

Morgan  saw,  and  hailed  it  as  an  indication  of  discourage 
ment  and  weakness  ;  his  clarion  tones  sent  it  over  the 
field,  inspiring  his  men  and  officers  with  new  energy. 

At  this  moment  the  British  cavalry,  which  had  pur 
sued  our  militia  to  the  rear,  had  there  encountered  Wash 
ington's  legion  to  their  cost.  They  were  now  flying  back 
past  the  American  left,  hotly  pursued  by  Washington, 
while  the  militia,  rallied  and  re-formed  by  the  gallant 
Pickens,  were  seen  coming  round  the  rear  eminence,  ad 
vancing  towards  the  American  right.  Howard's  division 
still  maintained  itself  bravely,  but  the  British  reserves, 
infantry  and  cavalry,  were  now  up,  and  the  whole  line 
again  advancing. 

The  first  reinforcements  took  post  on  the  left,  which 
stretched  their  line  away  beyond  Howard's  right,  and 
threatened  a  flank  attack.  For  a  few  minutes,  the  peril 
was  imminent ;  but  Morgan  provided  for  the  emergency. 
Washington's  cavalry,  returning  from  the  pursuit  of  the 
flying  British  dragoons,  were  ordered  by  Morgan  to  charge 
the  British  reserve  cavalry  before  they  could  effect  their 
purpose  on  Howard's  right.  He  himself  galloped  to  the 
rear  to  hasten  up  the  militia  to  the  rescue. 

Just  now" occurred  what  seemed  to  threaten  a  calamity, 
but  the  military  instinct  of  both  Morgan  and  Howard 
joined  to  turn  it  into  splendid  victory.  Until  the  cavalry 
and  militia  could  reach  him,  a  change  of  front  suggested 
itself  to  Howard  as  the  best  means  for  a  temporary  check 
upon  the  rapidly  advancing  foe.  He  ordered  the  flank 
company  to  perform  the  evolution  which  would  bring  it 
at  a  right  angle  with  the  main  body.  The  order  was  mis 
understood,  and  instead,  after  coming  to  the  right  about, 
they  marched  to  the  rear,  and  the  whole  body  faced  about 
and  moved  after  them.  This  was  agreeable  to  Morgan's 
order  in  case  they  were  compelled  to  retire.  But  he  now 
saw  the  movement  with  a  momentary  consternation  ; 
galloping  up  to  Howard,  they  came  to  an  understanding 
11 


242  AT   THE    COWPEKS. 

and  decided  not  to  rectify  the  mistake.  Instead,  Morgan 
rode  back  to  fix  upon  the  spot  for  them  to  re-form  ;— this 
movement  also  brought  them  abreast  with  the  advancing 
militia. 

The  militia  had  sent  a  galling  fire  into  the  British  re 
serve  under  McArthur,  not  only  forcing  it  to  forego  its 
attempt  upon  the  left,  but  to  retire  to  some  distance. 
Washington,  at  the  same  time,  made  a  furious  onset  upon 
the  cavalry,  just  as  they  were  about  to  charge  the  Ameri 
can  flank,  broke  through  their  column,  wheeled,  and 
charged  on  them  a  second  time,  with  crushing  effect. 
They  not  only  fled,  but  dispersed,  and  took  no  further 
part  in  the  battle. 

The  British  had  been  thus  twice  misled,  construing  the 
change  of  position  of  Howard's  line  into  retreat  and  de 
feat.  Washington,  in  their  rear,  seeing  the  broken  esprit 
of  the  British  line,  hastened  a  swift  message  to  Morgan  : 
"  They  are  coming  on  like  a  mob  ;  give  them  a  fire  and  I 
will  charge  them. " 

Howard's  main  line  had  by  this  time  descended  the 
slope  of  the  first  eminence  and  reached  the  rise  of  the 
second  eminence  in  perfect  order,  when  the  word  "halt" 
was  given.  Then  Morgan's  clarion  voice  rang  along  the 
line  :  "  Face  about,  one  good  fire  and  the  victory  is  ours." 

It  was  done  bravely*  and  well ;  the  on-coming  foe  re 
coiled  before  the  deadly  fire,  and,  ere  they  recovered  the 
shock,  Howard  thundered,  "  Charge."  In  a  moment  the 
American  bayonets  were  at  their  breasts  ;  Washington's 
cavalry  were  at  their  backs  ;  the  whole  body  of  militia  on 
their  left ; — the  battle  was  virtually  done.  The  seventh 
regiment  threw  down  their  arms  ;  the  legion  and  light- 
infantry  attempted  to  fly,  but  ths  cavalry  hemmed  them 
in,  and  rode  them  down. 

At  the  feet  of  our  army  lay,  suppliants  for  mercy,  those 
who  had  showed  none  when  ours  had  asked  it  from 
them.  "  Tarleton's  quarters"  ran  along  the  line,  and  it 


AT   THE    COWPEi^S.  243 

required  all  the  influence  of  Morgan,  Howard,,  and  the 
officers,  to  prevent  wholesale  slaughter. 

Their  precipitate  advance  had  left  their  artillery  in  their 
rear;  forced  by  Howard's  charge  to  recoil,  their  artillery  was 
now  again  in  front,  and  both  pieces  were  quickly  captured. 

The  struggle  was  still  continued  by  the  militia  and 
McArthur's  battalion  on  the  right.  Fiercely  assailed,  on 
front  and  flank,  by  Pickens,  they  fell  back,  thinking  to 
effect  a  safe  retreat,  when  Howard  wheeled  upon  them 
with  the  right  wing  of  the  American  line.  They  were 
thrown  utterly  into  confusion — the  militia  rushed  upon 
them,  and  a  hand-to-hand  fight  ensued.  The  Georgians 
took  McArthur  prisoner ;  broken  and  dispirited,  deserted 
by  their  friends  and  surrounded  by  their  enemies,  they 
grounded  their  arms  at  the  summons  of  Howard.  Col 
onel  Pickens  received  their  commander's  sword,  and  the 
militia  took  charge  of  the  prisoners. 

Tarleton  in  vain  endeavored  to  rally  his  legion  cavalry, 
to  advance  and  cover  McArthur's  retreat.  Failing  in  this, 
he  himself  rode  forward  at  the  head  of  his  detachment 
of  the  seventeenth  dragoons,  accompanied  by  fourteen 
officers  of  the  legion  cavalry,  with  the  hope  of  bearing  off 
the  artillery.  Approaching  near  enough  to  discover  that 
the  artillery,  as  well  as  the  day,  was  lost,  he  wheeled  to 
retire.  Colonel  Washington,  seeing  the  party,  rightly  con 
jectured  that  Tarleton  was  with  this  body,  and,  eager  to 
crown  the  day  by  his  capture,  pursued  and  charged  them. 

In  his  eagerness,  Washington  and  a  handful  of  men 
rode  much  ahead  of  his  party,  and  Tarleton  turned  upon 
them.  Nothing  daunted,  Washington  crossed  swords 
with  Tarleton's  aid,  and  experienced  the  superiority  of 
his  British  steel,  for  his  own  broke  near  the  hilt.  The 
officer  rose  in  his  stirrups  to  give  vigor  to  the  blow 
that  should  dispatch  our  gallant  knight,  Colonel  Wash 
ington,  when  his  page  Collin,  a  lad  who  attended  upon 
and  dearly  loved  Washington,  rode  up,  and  discharging 


244  AT  THE   COWPENS. 

his  pistol  into  the  officer's  shoulder,  the  uplifted  sword 
fell  from  his  grasp.  Another  officer,  and  Tarleton  him 
self,  aimed  a  sword  thrust  at  Washington,  now  defenceless, 
but  the  unseen  chariots  and  horsemen  were  round  about 
and  every  blow  was  parried.  The  whole  detachment  now 
coming  up,  and  Tarleton  realizing  his  danger,  decamped 
at  full  speed,  sending  a  parting  shot  at  Washington,  whose 
horse  received  the  ball.  Morgan  dispatched  his  cavalry 
and  the  mounted  militia  to  pursue  the  flying  foe  and 
gather  up  the  stragglers.  Unfortunately,  they  took  the 
wrong  road  at  the  outset.  The  time  thus  lost  could  not 
be  recovered,  for  Tarleton  made  speed. 

The  pursuit  was  continued  for  more  than  tAventy  miles, 
and  though  baffled  in  its  main  object,  Washington  in  re 
turning  swept  the  country  on  each  side  of  his  route,  cap 
tured  and  brought  in  a  hundred  additional  prisoners. 

The  American  loss  was  incredibly  small — a  matter  of 
twelve  killed  and  sixty-one  wounded;  no  officer  of  rank 
among  either.  The  loss  was  chiefly  sustained  by  the  Con 
tinental  troops,  particularly  by  the  flank  companies  of 
the  right. 

The  British  killed  and  wounded  amounted  to  two 
hundred  and  thirty,  among  whom  ten  of  the  killed  were 
officers,  and  among  the  prisoners,  twenty-seven  were 
officers ;  while  the  whole  number  of  prisoners  reached 
fully  six  hundred.  Of  the  quality  of  the  troops — they 
were  Cornwallis'  best. 

It  was  all  over  in  less  than  an  hour.* 

We  have  no  idea  that  Morgan  fashioned  himself  after 
Shakespeare's  royal  hero.  Doubtless,  he  never  heard 
of  him.  The  parallel  would  startle  us,  did  we  not  know 
that  heroes  think  and  speak  and  act  alike  the  world 
over. 

Indulge  us,  reader.     To  the  herald  of  the  French  King 

*  For  this  account  of  the  battle  of  Cowpens  we  are  indebted  sub 
stantially  to  "  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan.'" 


AT  THE   COWPEtfS.  245 

sent  to  Henry  V.,  anticipating  the  defeat  of  the  latter  and 
demanding  to  know  in  advance  what  ransom  he  will  give, 
royal  Henry  answers  : 

"  Turn  thee  back, 

And  tell  thy  king,  I  do  not  seek  him  now, 
But  could  be  willing  to  march  on  to  Calais, 
Without  impeachment. 
Go  bid  thy  master  well  advise  himself: 
If  we  may  pass,  we  will ;  if  we  be  hindered, 
We  shall,  your  tawny  ground,  with  your  red  blood 
Discolor. 

The  sum  of  all  our  answer  is  but  this, — 
We  would  not  seek  a  battle  as  we  are ; 
Nor  as  we  are,  we  say,  we  will  not  shun  it ; 
So  tell  your  master." 

In  the  chorus  to  Act  4th,  the  night  before  the  battle, 
Henry  spends  the  hours  among  his  troops,  steeling  hearts 
and  nerves  for  the  morrow. 

"  For  forth  he  goes  and  visits  all  his  host ; 
Bids  them  good  morrow,  with  a  modest  smile, 
And  calls  them — brothers,  friends,  and  countrymen. 
Upon  his  royal  face  there  is  no  note, 
How  dread  an  army  hath  surrounded  him  ; 
Nor  doth  he  dedicate  one  jot  of  color 
Unto  the  weary  and  all  watched  night ; 
But  freshly  looks,  and  overbears  attaint, 
With  cheerful  semblance  and  sweet  majesty; 
That  every  wretch,  pining  and  pale  before ; 
Beholding  him,  plucks  comfort  from  his  looks. 
A  largess  universal,  like  the  sun, 
His  liberal  eye  doth  give  to  every  one, 
Thawing  cold  fear.     Then  mean,  and  gentle,  all 
Behold !  as  may  unworthiness  define — 
A  little  touch  of  Harry  (Daniel)  in  the  night. 

Full  surely  there  must  have  been  those  in  Morgan's 
camp,  who  remembering  the  brave  men  loitering  idly  at 


~4G  AT  THE   COWPENS. 

the  "  Camp  of  Repose  ''  in  the  Cheraw  Hills,  gave  utterance 
to  words  akin  to  those  of  Westmoreland:  "  0  that  we  now 
had  here  but  one  ten  thousand  of  those  men  in  England 
that  do  no  work  to-day." 

And  as  Morgan  moves  among  his  men,  drawn  up  in 
battle  line,  setting  before  them  the  issues  of  that  day,  and 
the  glory  that  awaited  them,  we  hear  King  Henry's 
Crispian  speech: 

"  What's  he  that  wishes  so? 
My  cousin  Westmoreland  ?    No,  my  fair  cousin  : 
If  we  are  marked  to  die,  we  are  enough 
To  do  our  country  loss  ;  and  if  to  live, 
The  fewer  men,  the  greater  share  of  honor. 
God's  will !  I  pray  thee,  wish  not  one  man  more. 


This  day  is  called  the  feast  of  Crispian 

He,  that  outlives  this  day  and  comes  safe  home, 

Will  stand  a  tip-toe  when  this  day  is  named, 

And  rouse  him  at  the  name  of  Crispian. 

He  that  shall  live  this  day,  and  see  old  age 

Will  yearly  on  the  vigil,  feast  his  friends, 

And  say,  to-morrow  is  St.  Crispian. 

Then  will  he  strip  his  sleeves  and  show  his  scars, 

And  say,  these  wounds  I  had  on  Crispin's  day. 

Old  men  forget:  yet  all  shall  be  forgot, 

But  he'll  remember  with  advantages, 

What  feats  he  did  that  day.     Then  shall  our  names 

Familiar  in  their  mouths  as  household  words, 

Harry  the  King,  Bedford  and  Exeter, 

Warwick  and  Talbot,  Salisbury  and  Gloster, 

Be  in  their  flowing  cups  freshly  remembered  ; 

His  story  shall  the  good  man  teach  his  son 

And  Crispin  Crispian  shall  ne'er  go  by 

From  this  day  to  the  ending  of  the  world 

But  we  in  it  shall  be  remembered. 

We  few,  we  happy  few,  we  band  of  brothers, 

For  he  to-day  that  sheds  his  blood  with  me 

Shall  be  my  brother ;  be  he  ne'er  so  vile, 

This  day,  shall  gentle  his  condition. 


AT   THE   COWPENS.  247 

And,  gentlemen  in  England  now  abed, 
Shall  think  themselves  accursed,  they  were  not  here, 
And  hold  their  manhoods  cheap,  while  any  speaks, 
That  fought  with  us,  upon  St.  Crispin's  day." 

The  battle  won,  we  hear  the  royal  hero: 

"  K.  H.  Now  herald;  are  the  dead  numbered? 

Herald.  Here  is  the  number  of  the  slaughtered  French. 

K.  H.  This  note  doth  tell  me  of  ten  thousand  French 
That  in  the  field  lie  slain. 
In  these  ten  thousand  they  have  lost, 
There  are  but  sixteen  hundred  mercenaries ; 
The  rest  are — princes,  barons,  lords,  knights,  squires 
And  gentlemen  of  blood  and  quality. 
Here  was  a  royal  fellowship  of  death  ! 
Where  is  the  number  of  our  English  dead? 
[Herald  presents  another  paper.] 

Edward  the  duke  of  York,  the  earl  of  Suffolk, 
Sir  Richard  Ketly,  Davy  Gam,  esquire  ; 
None  else  of  name, — and  of  all  other  men, 
But  five  and  twenty." 

King  Henry  too  gives  thanks  right  christianly  : 

"  0  God,  thy  arm  was  here, 
And  not  to  us,  but  to  thy  arm  alone, 
Ascribe  we  all ;   When  ?  without  stratagem, 
But  in.  plain  shock,  and  even  play  of  battle, 
Was  ever  known,,  so  great  and  little  loss 
On  one  part  and  on  the  other  f    Take  it  God 
For  it  is  only  thine ! " 

And  here  is  our  modest  hero's  letter  to  his  commander 
General  Greene,  in  which  he  praises  everybody  but  himself. 

"  CAMP  NEAR  CAIN  CHEEK,  January  19, 1781. 
"Dear  Sir:— The  troops  I  have  the  honor  to  command, 
have  gained  a  great  victory  over   a  detachment  from  the 
British  army,  commanded  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Tarleton. 


248  AT   THE   COWPEtfS. 

The  action  happened  on  the  17th  instant,  about  sunrise, 
at  a  place  called  Oowpens,  near  Pacolet  river.  *  *  * 
"Such  was  the  inferiority  of  our  numbers  that  our 
success  must  be  attributed  to  the  justice  of  our  cause  and 
the  gallantry  of  our  troops.  My  wishes  would  induce  me 
to  name  every  sentinel  in  the  corps.  In  justice  to  the 
bravery  and  good  conduct  of  the  officers,  I  have  taken  the 
liberty  to  enclose  you  a  list  of  their  names,  from  a  convic 
tion  that  you  will  be  pleased  to  introduce  such  characters 
to  the  world. 

"I  am,  dear  sir, 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"  DAXIEL  MOKGAN. 
"To  General  GREENE." 


XXVL— 1781. 
MORGAN'S   RETKEAT. 

THE  first  news  of  this  crushing  defeat  reached  Corn 
wallis'  camp  by  the  flying  cavalry,  on  the  evening 
of  the  17th  January.  Astonishment  and  mortification 
equally  possessed  him.  He  had  not  entertained  a  mo 
ment's  anxiety  for  the  result  of  the  encounter,  so  extrava 
gant  was  his  estimate  of  Tarleton's  ability,  with  his  picked 
command,  to  completely  crush  Morgan. 

Tarleton  criticises  Cornwallis  very  freely  in  his  "Cam 
paign,"  for  failing  to  co-operate  with  him  according  to 
pre-arrangement,  and  says,  "  it  would  have  prevented  the 
misfortune,  or,  at  least,  softened  its  results."  He  felt  the 
humiliation  and  disgrace  keenly,  and  promptly  requested 
Cornwallis  either  to  announce  his  approbation  of  his  con 
duct,  or  to  grant  him  leave  to  retire  until  the  affair  could 
be  investigated. 

In  reply,  Cornwallis  writes  to  him :  "  You  have  forfeited 
no  part  of  my  esteem,  as  an  officer,  by  the  unfortunate 
affair  of  the  17th.  The  means  you  used  to  bring  the 
enemy  to  action  were  able  and  masterly,  and  must  ever  do 
you  honor.  Your  dispositions  were  unexceptionable.  The 
total  misbehavior  of  our  troops,  could  alone  have  deprived 
you  of  the  glory  which  was  so  justly  your  due." 

Again,  in  his  despatches,  Cornwallis  writes  :  "His supe 
riority  of  numbers,  quality  of  fighting  material,  artillery 
and  cavalry,  with  advantage  of  position,  left  Tarleton  no 
room  to  doubt  of  the  most  brilliant  success."  To  Lord 
Germain  :  "  The  unfortunate  affair  of  the  17th  was  a 


250  MORGAN'S  RETREAT. 

very  severe  and  unexpected  blow,  for  besides  reputation, 
our  loss  did  not  fall  short  of  six  hundred  men."  To 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  :  "  It  is  impossible  to  foresee  all  the 
consequences  that  this  unexpected  and  extraordinary  event 
may  produce,  but  your  Excellency  may  be  assured  that 
nothing  but  the  most  absolute  necessity  shall  induce  me 
to  give  up  the  important  object  of  the  winter's  campaign." 
Tarleton  says  :  "As  the  defeat  of  Ferguson,  at  King's 
Mountain,  made  the  first  invasion  of  North  Carolina  im 
possible,  so  the  battle  of  Cowpens  would  probably  make 
the  second  disastrous." 

Cowpens  demonstrates  all  the  qualities  of  field  general 
ship,  but  what  shall  be  said  of  the  retreat  which  Morgan 
conducted  from  the  field  to  Guilford  Court-House? — a 
distance  of  more  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles — stag 
gering  beneath  the  weight  of  his  spoils  :  six  hundred 
prisoners,  artillery,  standards,  eight  hundred  muskets,  a 
traveling  forge,  wagons,  etc.  For  the  artillery,  Morgan 
had  captured  them  from  the  British  at  Saratoga  in  1777  ; 
the  British  had  retaken  them  from  Gates  at  Camden,  and 
Morgan  had  again  captured  them  at  Cowpens.  What 
Nemesis  watched  here  ? 

The  battle  over,  "far  from  being  intoxicated  with  his 
victory,  Morgan  thought  only  of  the  imminent  perils  that 
yet  menaced  him."  It  was  still  within  the  power  of  his 
enemy  to  pluck  from  him  all  the  fruits  of  his  victory. 
He  shows  now  a  magnificent  poise  of  courage  and  judg 
ment.  Instant  retreat  was  imperative. 

Before  sunset,  Cornwallis  would  hear  of  the  destruction 
of  Tarleton's  army.  Leslie  was  momentarily  expected  in 
his  camp.  The  British  army  had  been  for  days  under 
marching  orders.  Stung  by  a  sense  of  loss  and  humilia 
tion,  the  British  commander  would  surely  put  forth  a 
stupendous  effort  to  pursue  and  overtake  him,  recover  his 
captured  light  infantry,  and  punish  Morgan's  temerity. 

The  victorious  General  must  resort  now  to  ruse ;  he 


MORGAN'S  RETREAT.  251 

threw  out  the  idea  that  he  intended  to  cross  the  Broad 
River  and  hold  the  country  north  of  it.  He  tarried  no 
longer  than  to  arrange  for  the  hurying  of  the  dead  and 
the  care  of  the  wounded  of  hoth  armies.  Arms  and 
trophies  filled  the  wagons,  prisoners  were  collected  and 
guarded,  and  the  whole  army  in  motion  before  noon.  At 
sunset  he  crossed  the  Broad  River  at  the  Cherokee  Ford, 
and  encamped  on  its  north  hank. 

A  few  hours  rest  was  all  he  allowed  his  army — they 
were  on  the  march  long  before  daylight.  Washington  and 
his  cavalry  had  now  rejoined  them.  Morgan  put  all  the 
prisoners  under  his  charge,  directing  them  to  cross  the 
Catawba  by  the  upper  fords.  The  main  body  took  a  more 
direct  road  to  Ramsower's  Mills,  on  the  little  Catawba. 
Morgan  turned  his  ear  backward,  continually  listening  for 
the  pursuers  on  his  track  ;  what,  then,  was  his  surprise 
and  joy  to  learn  from  his  detectives  on  the  20th  that,  up 
to  the  19th,  Cornwallis  was  still  in  his  camp.  He  pushed 
forward  with  equal  vigor  and  hope. 

Meantime,  Leslie  had  joined  forces  with  Cornwallis  on 
the  18th,  after  their  long  and  dim  cult  march  up  through 
nearly  the  whole  length  of  the  State.  On  the  19th,  the 
British  army  moved  towards  King's  Creek,  and  Tarleton 
was  directed  to  cross  the  Broad  River  and  reconnoitre  for 
intelligence  of  Morgan,  of  whose  movements  they  were 
in  profound  ignorance  ;  so  well  had  he  kept  his  own  coun 
sel.  By  way  of  palliating  his  disgrace  at  Cowpens,  Tarle 
ton  had  represented  Morgan's  forces  at  two  thousand.  If 
this  were  so,  it  behooved  Cornwallis  to  move  warily  in  his 
vicinity.  Tarleton  crossed  the  river,  but  learned  only 
that  Morgan  had  marched  immediately  from  the  battle 
field,  crossed  the  Broad  by  the  upper  fords,  and  the  im 
pression  prevailed  that  he  intended  to  hold  that  part  of 
the  country. 

Cornwallis  now  caught  eagerly  at  the  hope  of  cornering 
him  and  undoing  the  work  of  the  17th.  But  Morgan's 


252 

ruse  was  entirely  successful ;  while  lie  was  pushing  rapidly 
eastward  toward  the  Catawba,  Cornwallis  hurried  nearly 
northwest,  toward  a  point  which  Morgan  had  passed  two 
days  before. 

Vexed,  foiled,  and  out-generaled,  he  now  turned  his  army 
in  the  direction  his  wily  adversary  had  taken.  Encumbered 
with  his  splendid  baggage-train,  he  reached  the  west  bank 
of  the  Little  Catawba  at  Eamsower's  Mills,  on  the  24th, 
to  find  that  Morgan  had  crossed  two  days  before,  and 
doubtless  by  this  time  had  passed  the  Great  Catawba,  and 
was  safe  upon  its  east  bank. 

It  was  even  so,  and  Morgan's  fears  floated  down  with  its 
tide  ;  nothing  now  could  deprive  him  of  the  glories  of  that 
hard-fought  field  of  Cowpens.  As  his  hopes  rose,  those  of 
Cornwallis  sank.  His  boastful  promises  to  the  British 
ministry  ! — what  prospect  to  make  them  good  ?  His  mili 
tary  reputation  was  in  eclipse,  and  if  not  retrieved  by 
some  speedy  stroke  of  arms,  would  bring  upon  him  the 
censure  of  his  superiors.  "  In  sight,  as  it  were,  of  his 
headquarters,  a  large  detachment  of  his  army  had  been 
captured  ;  yet  he  had  suffered  it,  together  with  its  arms, 
standards,  cannon,  baggage,  etc.,  to  be  borne  off  by  an 
inconsiderable  force,  in  a  circuitous  route,  towards  a  point 
which  he  ought  to  have  known  would  be  aimed  at,  and 
which  was  nearer  to  himself  than  to  his  opponent.  He 
made  no  vigorous,  well-directed  effort  to  amend  his  mis 
haps  until  the  time  had  passed  for  such  effort  to  avail."  * 

Vexed  now  to  bewilderment,  Cornwallis  came  to  the 
desperate  resolution  of  destroying  his  supply  trains,  and 
burning  his  baggage,  thus  disencumbering  his  whole  army 
for  a  chase.  Nothing  but  an  absolute  certainty  of  success 
could  justify  a  step  which  involved  the  abandonment  of 
his  contemplated  winter  campaign ;  but,  learning  that 
Morgan  had  come  to  a  halt  at  Sherrald's  Ford,  on  the  east 

*  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan. 


MORGAN'S  RETREAT.  253 

bank  of  the  Catawba,  he  proceeded  to  execute  his  mad 
resolution. 

Morgan  had  halted  to  recruit  and  rest  his  men,  and 
hoped  to  get  some  intelligence  from  Greene's  army. 

His  health  had  been  but  partially  re-established,  when  the 
urgent  appeal  of  the  South  brought  him  again  into  the 
field.  The  exposure  of  a  winter  campaign,  in  the  rainy 
season,  without  tents  or  shelter,  without  comforts  or  even 
necessary  food,  had  induced  fever  and  ague,  and  developed 
his  old  enemy,  sciatica, — souvenir  of  his  winter  in  Maine 
and  Canada. 

The  pain  was  torture  :  he  was  well-nigh  disabled.  It 
was  now  the  23d  of  January,  seven  days  after  Cowpens. 
Morgan  turns  his  ear  anxiously  towards  the  hills  of  Cheraw, 
but  it  is  still  a  "  Carnp  of  Kepose," — they  did  not  hear  of 
Cowpens  until  the  25th. 

He  writes  : 

"  SHERRALD'S  FORD,  January  23,  1781. 

« $?y  ; — I  arrived  here  this  morning.  The  prisoners 
crossed  at  Island  Ford.  I  shall  send  them  on  to  Salisbury 
in  the  morning  guarded  by  Major  Triplitt's  militia,  whose 
time  expires  this  day.  Lord  Cornwallis,  whether  from 
bad  intelligence  or  to  make  a  show,  moved  up  towards 
Gilbert  town  to  intercept  me,  the  day  after  I  had  passed 
him.  *  *  * 

"  I  received  your  letters  of  the  13th  inst.  Would  have 
endeavored  to  get  the  cloth  [Wade  Hampton's],  but  being 
obliged  to  come  so  far  out  of  the  way  with  my  prisoners, 
puts  it  entirely  out  of  my  power.  However,  I  will  com 
municate  the  matter  to  Colonel  Pickens  ;  perhaps  he  may 
have  some  enterprising  followers  that  would  undertake 
it.  I  have  engaged  one  of  his  captains  to  go  round  and 
kill  the  enemy's  horses  :  perhaps  he  may  do  the  other 
business.  /  intend  to  stay  at  this  place  till  I  hear  from 
you,  in  order  to  recruit  the  men  and  get  in  good  train. 


254  MORGAN'S  RETREAT. 

We  must  be  fitted  out  with  pack-horses,  for,  as  I  wrote 
you  before,  wagons  will  not  do  for  light  troops. 

"I  have  got  men  who  are  watching  the  enemy's  move 
ments,  and  will  give  you  the  earliest  accounts.  I  think 
they  will  be  this  way,  if  the  stroke  we  gave  Tarleton  don't 
check  them. 

"At  this  time  we  have  six  hundred  prisoners. 
"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc. 

"DANIEL  MORGAN. 

"  Major  General  GREENE." 

One  scents  a  little  covert  irony  in  the  following. 

SIIERRALD'S  FORD,  January  24,  1781. 

"  Sir : — I  have  just  received  your  letter  of  the  19th  [two 
days  after  Cowpens],  and  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  your 
cautions  against  a  surprise.  Mr.  Tarleton  might  as  well 
have  been  surprised  himself,  as  been  so  devilishly  beaten 
as  he  was. 

"  I  approve  much  of  having  boats  with  the  main  army, 
but  would  not  wish  to  have  any  with  me  ;  my  party  is  too 
weak  to  guard  them.  I  am  convinced  that  a  descent  into 
Georgia  would  answer  a  very  good  purpose.  It  would 
draw  the  attention  of  the  enemy  that  way,  and  would 
much  disconcert  my  Lord's  plans. 

"I  am  convinced  by  every  circumstance,  he  intends  to 
march  through  this  part  of  the  State  towards  Virginia, 
and  his  making  a  junction  with  Leslie,  fixes  me  in  that 
opinion. 

"  I  should  be  exceedingly  glad  to  make  a  descent  into 
Georgia,  but  am  so  emaciated  that  I  can't  undertake  it. 
I  grow  worse  every  hour.  I  can't  ride  out  of  a  walk.  I 
am  exceedingly  sorry  to  leave  the  field  at  such  a  time  as 
this,  but  it  must  be  the  case.  Pickens  is  a  very  enter 
prising  man,  and  a  very  judicious  one  :  perhaps  he  might 
answer  the  purpose. 


MORGAN'S  RETREAT.  255 

"  I  have  had  no  intelligence  from  Lord  Cornwallis  this 
two  days.  I  expect  to  hear  from  him  every  hour.  If 
anything  interesting  transpires,,  I  will  let  you  know  it 
immediately. 

"  I  have  the  honor,  etc., 

"'DANIEL  MORGAN. 
"  Major  General  GREENE. 

"N.  B.  My  detachment  is  much  weakened  by  this 
fight  with  Tarleton.  We  have  near  fifty  men  disabled. 
We  have  nothing  to  drink." 

They  had  cherry  bounce  at  Cheraw  Hills,  for  Morgan's 
good  friend  Colonel  0.  H.  Williams  writes  to  him  im 
mediately  upon  receiving  the  news  of  his  victory,  — though 
Morgan  does  not  receive  it  for  many  days  after. 

"  CAMP  PEDEE,  January  25,  1781. 

"  Dear  General : — I  rejoice  exceedingly  at  your  success. 
The  advantages  you  have  gained  are  important,  and  do 
great  honor  to  your  little  corps.  I  am  delighted  that  the 
accumulated  honors  of  a  young  partisan,  should  be  plun 
dered  by  my  old  friend. 

"  We  have  had  &feu  dejoie,  drank  all  your  healths,  and 
swore  you  were  the  finest  fellows  on  earth,  and  love  you 
if  possible  more  than  ever.  The  General  has,  I  think, 
made  his  compliments  in  very  handsome  terms.  Enclosed 
is  a  copy  of  his  orders.  It  was  written  immediately  after 
we  received  the  news,  and  during  the  operation  of  some 
cherry  bounce.  Compliments  to  Howard  and  all  friends. 
Adieu. 

"Sincerely  yours, 

"  0.  H.  WILLIAMS. 

"  Brigadier  General  MORGAN." 

Letters  from  Morgan  to  Greene  under  same  date  run 
thus  : 


256  MORGAN'S  RETREAT. 

"  SHERRALD'S  FORD,  January  25,  1781,  Sunrise. 
"Sir:  —  I  am  this  moment  informed  by  express  that 
Cornwallis  is  at  Kamsower's  Mills,   on  their  march  this 
way,  destroying  all  before  him.     I  shall  know  the  truth 
of  this  in  a  few  hours  and  let  you  know  immediately. 
"  I  am  your  obedient  servant, 

"  DANIEL  MORGAN." 

Yet  again  same  date  : 

"  SHERRALD'S  FORD,  January  25,  1781. 

"  Dear  General  :  —  I  receive  intelligence  every  hour  of 
the  enemy's  rapid  approach,  in  consequence  of  which  I  am 
sending  off  my  wagons.  My  numbers  at  this  time  are  too 
weak  to  fight  them.  /  intend  to  move  toivards  Salisbury 
in  order  to  get  near  the  main  army.  I  know  they  intend 
to  bring  me  to  an  action  which  I  am  resolved  carefully  to 
avoid.  I  expect  you  will  move  somewhere  on  the  Yadkin  to 
oppose  their  crossing. 

"  I  think  it  would  be  advisable  to  join  our  forces  and 
fight  them  before  they  join  Phillips,  which  they  certainly 
will  do,  if  they  are  not  stopped.  I  have  ordered  the  com 
manding  officer  at  Salisbury  to  move  off  with  the  prisoners 
and  stores.  If  you  think  it  right,  you  will  repeat  it.  I 
cannot  ascertain  the  enemy's  numbers,  but  suppose  them 
odds  of  two  thousand  ;  that  number  if  they  keep  in  a  com 
pact  body,  we  cannot  hurt. 

"  I  anr,  dear  General,  etc., 

MORGAN." 


"  CAMP  SHERRALD'S  FORD,  January  25,  1781. 
"Sir:  —  The  enemy  encamped  last  night  at  Eamsower's 
Mills  in  force  ;  they  marched  near  thirty  miles  yesterday. 
It  is  my  opinion  they  intend  to  make  a  forced  march 
through  this  part  of  the  State,  and  make  a  junction  with 
Phillips  high  up  in  the  country.  If  so,  the  position  you 
have  taken  will  be  much  out  of  the  way.  If  Cornwallis  and 


MORGAN'S  RETREAT.  257 

Leslie  have  joined  forces,  we  are  not  able  to  contend  with 
them.  All  the  Southern  militia  have  dispersed.  What 
numbers  General  Davidson  has  I  am  not  able  to  inform 
you,  as  they  were  only  collecting  yesterday.  From  this 
information  you  ivill  be  able  to  dispose  of  your  army  in  the 
best  manner.  I  will  do  everything  in  my  power  ;  but  you 
may  not  put  much  dependence  in  me,  for  I  can  neither 
ride  nor  walk.  I  will  continue  to  give  you  every  intelli 
gence  in  my  power. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

"  DANIEL  MORGAN." 

Again : 

"  SHEKRALD'S  FORD,  January  25, 1781. 

"Dear  Sir: — After  my  late  success,  and  my  sanguine 
expectation  to  do  something  clever  this  campaign,  I  must 
inform  you  that  I  shall  be  obliged  to  give  over  the  pur 
suit,  by  reason  of  an  old  pain  returning  upon  me  that  laid 
me  up  four  months  of  last  winter  and  spring.  It  is  a 
sciatica  that  renders  me  entirely  incapable  of  active  ser 
vice.  I  have  had  it  for  three  weeks,  but,  on  getting  wet 
the  other  day,  it  has  seized  me  more  violently,  which  gives 
me  great  pain  when  I  ride,  and  at  times,  when  walking  or 
standing,  am  obliged  to  sit  down  as  quick  as  if  I  were  shot. 

I  am  not  unacquainted  with  the  hurt  my  retiring  will 
be  to  the  service,  as  the  people  have  much  dependence  in 
me,  but  the  love  I  have  for  my  country,  and  the  willing 
ness  I  have  always  showed  to  serve  it,  will  convince  you 
that  nothing  would  be  wanting  on  my  side  were  I  able  to 
persevere.  So  I  must  beg  leave  of  absence  till  I  find  my 
self  able  to  take  the  field  again.  If  I  can  procure  a 
chaise,  I  will  endeavor  to  get  home.  General  Davidson, 
Colonel  Pickens,  and  General  Sumter,  can  manage  the 
militia  better  than  I  can,  and  will  well  supply  my  place. 

"  I  have  this  moment  received  intelligence  that  the 
enemy  are  within  a  few  miles  from  this  place,  moving  on 


258  MORGAN'S  KETKEAT. 

rapidly.     My  party  are  so  weak  that  I  think  I  must  give 
way. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"  DANIEL  MORGAN." 

The  next  letter  is  under  date  of  January  28th,  twelve  days 
after  Cowpens. — No  sign  or  sound  of  the  main  army. 

"SHERRALD'S  FORD,  January  28,  1781. 

"  Sir : — Lord  Cornwallis  encamped  on  the  24th  at  Ram- 
sower's  Mills,  with  his  main  body  from  Broad  River.  My 
reason  for  not  writing  to  you  for  two  days  was  to  find  out 
which  way  they  really  intended,  that  I  might  have  it  in 
my  power  to  inform  you  fully.  I  am  trying  to  collect  the 
militia  to  make  a  stand  at  this  place.  I  have  ordered 
General  Davidson,  with  five  hundred  militia,  to  Beatty's 
Ford.  We  are  filling  all  the  private  fords  to  make  them 
impassable.  The  one  I  lie  at,  I  intend  to  leave  open.  I 
ordered  all  the  prisoners  and  stores  from  Salisbury  to  the 
Moravian  town.  I  am  told  they  are  gone  under  a  weak 
guard.  I  hope  some  of  them  don't  get  away.  If  the 
enemy  pursued,  I  ordered  them  to  Augusta,  Virginia  ; 
should  be  glad  if  you  would  give  orders  concerning  them. 

"I  am  a  little  apprehensive  that  Cornwallis  intends 
to  surprise  me,  lying  so  still  this  day  or  two  ;  but  if  the 
militia  don't  deceive  me,  whom  I  am  obliged  to  trust  to 
as  guards  up  and  down  the  river,  I  think  I  will  put  it  out 
of  his  power. 

"  If  I  were  able  to  ride  and  see  about  everything  myself, 
I  should  think  myself  perfectly  safe  ;  but  I  am  obliged  to 
lie  in  a  house  out  of  camp,  not  being  able  to  encounter 
the  badness  of  the  weather.  However,  nothing  in  my 
power  shall  be  left  undone  to  secure  this  part  of  the 
country  and  annoy  the  enemy. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc., 

"DANIEL  MORGAN." 


MORGAN'S  RETREAT.  259 

"  BEATTY'S  FOED,  January  29th,  1781. 

[Twelve  days  after  "  Cowpens. "J 

"  Dear  Sir  : — I  have  just  arrived  at  this  place  to  view 
our  situation,  General  Davidson  is  here  with  eight  hundred 
men.  The  enemy  is  within  ten  miles  of  this  place  in  force  ; 
their  advance  is  in  sight.  It  is  uncertain  whether  they 
intend  to  cross  here  or  not.  I  have  detached  two  hundred 
men  to  the  Tuckaseega  Ford,  to  fill  it  up  and  defend  it. 

"  An  express  has  just  arrived  who  informs  me  that  they 
have  burned  their  wagons  and  loaded  their  men  heavily. 
I  am  just  returning  to  Sherrald's  Ford,  where  our  regulars 
lie.  I  expect  they  will  attempt  to  cross  in  the  morning. 
I  will  let  you  hear  every  particular, 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

"DANIEL  MORGAN." 

It  was  now  January  30th,  the  fourteenth  day  from  the 
battle  of  Cowpens  ;  still  no  sign  or  sound  from  the  main 
army. 

Morgan  lay  yet  at  Sherrald's  Ford,  hoping  to  be  joined 
by  militia,  and  hoping  against  hope  for  help  from  Greene. 
The  militia  came  in  slowly;  it  was  the  time  for  preparing  the 
ground  for  planting;  this  must  be  attended  to,  or  starvation 
of  their  families  was  certain.  Also,  it  was  Tarleton's  and 
Cornwallis'  orders  to  burn  the  house  of  every  whig  who 
was  absent  from  home.  Notwithstanding  the  check 
at  Cowpens,  the  whole  on-coming  British  army  was 
upon  them.  Morgan  saw  that  there  ought  to  be  another 
battle  fought  at  the  Catawba,  if  they  were  to  accomplish 
what  they  had  been  sent  to  do,  namely,  to  keep  Cornwallis 
out  of  Virginia,  and  drive  him  back  to  the  sea.  But  his 
pigmy  force  had  dwindled.  The  Georgia  and  South  Caro 
lina  volunteers  had  gone  back,  while  the  term  of  service 
of  Triplett's  Virginia  militia  had  expired.  Morgan  re 
solved  to  wait  until  the  last  moment  of  safety,  hoping,  if 
Greene  brought  up  the  army,  to  dispute  Cornwallis'  passage 


260  MOKGAK'S  EETKEAT. 

of  the  river.    A  heavy  rain  had  fallen  on  the  29th,  and 
Morgan  was  safe  so  long  as  the  river  continued  unfordable. 

Thus  matters  stood  when,  on  the  morning  of  January 
30th,  General  Greene  rode  into  Morgan's  camp  accom 
panied  only  by  one  aid  and  an  escort  of  cavalry.  What 
for  ?  "  That  way  lies  "  honor.  It  was  not  a  General  that 
was  wanted— it  was  an  army. 

We  can  nowhere  find  what  greeting  Morgan  gave  him  ; 
they  parted  company  before  many  hours,  for  the  river  fell 
as  rapidly  as  it  rose,  and  Morgan  was  compelled  to  move 
on.  Greene  had  started  his  army  on  the  29th  of  January — 
it  took  four  days  to  get  it  in  motion  after  the  news  of  the 
battle  reached  it  on  the  25th,  but  it  was  marching  towards 
Salisbury,  not  Catawba,  under  General  Huger. 

Cornwallis  would  cross  on  the  morrow  ;  therefore,  on 
the  evening  of  the  31st,  "Morgan,  with  his  force,  moved 
off  in  silence,  and,  pushing  forward  all  that  night  and  the 
next  day,  gained  a  full  day's  march  ahead  of  the  enemy." 
Greene  remained  at  the  Catawba.  Morgan  made  for  the 
Yadkin.  The  march  was  conducted  in  a  sweeping,  drench 
ing  winter  rain.  The  Yadkin  was  rising  rapidi}^,  but  Mor 
gan  had  provided  for  his  crossing,  by  assembling  all  the 
boats  for  miles.  Upon  reaching  the  fords,  he  found 
hundreds  of  terrified  people  flying  from  the  on-coming 
British  army,  and  the  tender  mercies  of  Tarleton.  They, 
too,  threw  themselves  upon  Morgan's  protection.  He  gave 
it — "  Great  Heart" — sent  them  all  safely  across, though  his 
guard  on  the  west  bank  had  a  hot  skirmish  with  Corn 
wallis'  advance  cavalry,  who  endeavored  to  seize  the  boats, 
but  were  driven  back. 

Morgan  marched  on  towards  Guilford  C.  H.,  in  North 
Carolina,  whither  the  main  army  were  also  now  ordered 
to  direct  their  march.  But  he  now  began  to  be  anxious 
for  the  comfort  of  his  worn -down,  half-starved  soldiers. 
He  could  neither  ride  on  horseback  nor  walk,  but,  on 
the  5th  of  February,  giving  the  command  to  Lieutenant- 


MORGAN'S  RETREAT.  261 

Colonel  Howard,  he  took  a  carriage  and  rode  ahead  to 
prepare  quarters  and  supplies.  He  accomplished  all,  and 
wrote  to  General  Greene  : 

"  GUILFORD  C.  H.,  February  6,  1781. 

"  Sir  :—l  arrived  here  last  evening,  and  sent  a  number 
of  prisoners  that  were  here,  to  join  the  main  body.  About 
four  thousand  pounds  of  salted  meat,  corn-meal  and 
forage  equivalent,  is  promised  me.  I  am  much  indisposed 
with  pain.  When  I  get  everything  in  as  good  a  trim  as 
possible  respecting  provisions,  etc.,  I  shall  move  on  slowly 
to  some  safe  retreat  and  try  to  recover. 

"  I  am  sincerely,  etc., 

"  DANIEL  MORGAN." 

Morgan's  army  reached  Guilford  C.  H.,  on  February 
8th,  and  on  the  9th  the  main  army,  under  Huger,  with 
the  cavalry  of  Lee,  arrived,  making  a  force  of  two  thou 
sand,  of  whom  six  hundred  were  militia. 

On  the  tenth  of  October,  Morgan  took  a  carriage  and 
started  towards  home.  His  sufferings  had  become  almost 
insupportable.  After  a  few  days  traveling,  he  was  forced 
to  stop  at  the  house  of  General  Lawson.  Again  he  set 
out,  and  was  again  compelled  to  stop  and  gather  strength. 
His  friend,  Carter  Harrison,  received  the  war-worn  hero, 
and  here  he  remained  some  time. 


XXVII— 1781. 
MOKGAN  AT    HOME. 

MORGAN  reached  his  home,  near  Winchester,  ema 
ciated  to  the  bone,  shaken  by  tertian  ague,  racked 
with  torturing  pains  and  oppressed  with  mental  fore 
bodings  that  his  battle-days  and  deeds  were  done.  That 
herculean  frame,  with  its  iron  fibre, — fitting  abode  for  the 
kingly  spirit  that  inhabited  it, — already  tottered  to  its  final 
fall.  Both  Morgan  and  Washington  seemed  physically 
organized  for  centenarians,  but  hard  service  curtailed 
them  of  a  quarter  of  a  century. 

His  hours  of  painful  weariness  were  cheered  by  letters 
of  congratulation  from  brother  officers,  and  acknowledg 
ments  of  Congress  and  other  public  bodies,  of  the  brilliant 
and  valuable  service  he  had  just  performed.  From  the 
House  of  Delegates  of  Virginia  : 

"  Friday,  March  9th,  1781. 

"  Resolved,  That  Brigadier-General  Morgan  be  requested 
to  accept  of  a  horse  with  furniture,  and  a  sword,  as  a 
further  testimony  of  the  high  esteem  of  his  country  for 
his  military  character  and  abilities,  so  gloriously  displayed 
in  the  victory  gained  by  him  and  the  troops  he  lately  com 
manded  in  South  Carolina,"  etc. 

From  Hon.  Richard  Henry  Lee  : 

"  RICHMOND,  March  21,  1781. 

"  Sir: — It  is  with  peculiar  pleasure  that  I  execute  the 
order  of  the  House  of  Delegates,  in  transmitting  to  you 


MORGAN    AT   HOME.  2G3 

their  sense,,  and  through  them  the  sense  that  your  country 
entertains,  of  the  many  signal  services  performed  by  you 
in  the  various  victories  that  you  have  obtained  over  the 
enemies  of  the  United  States,  and  more  especially  in  the 
late  well-timed  total  defeat  given  to  the  British  troops  in 
South  Carolina.  I  am  directed  to  request  of  you,  sir,  that 
you  will  convey  to  the  brave  officers  and  troops  under 
your  command  in  the  action  of  the  17th  of  January,  the 
sense  entertained  by  the  House  of  Delegates  of  their  valor 
and  great  service  on  that  occasion. 

"  Having  thus  discharged  my  duty  to  the  House  of  Dele 
gates,  permit  me  to  lament  that  the  unfortunate  state  of 
your  health  should  deprive  the  public  of  those  eminent 
services  in  the  field  which  you  are  so  capable  of  perform 
ing.  Let  me  hope  that  it  will  not  be  long  before  return 
of  health  will  restore  you  to  the  army  and  to  your  country. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

"  EICHARD  HENRY  LEE,  Sec. 
"  Brigadier-General  MORGAN." 

Prom  Governor  Rutledge  to  General  Morgan. 

"  CHERAWS,  January  25,  1781. 

"Dear  Sir: — I  request  that  you  will  be  pleased  to 
accept  my  warmest  and  most  cordial  thanks,  and  that  you 
will  present  them  to  the  brave  officers  and  men  under 
your  command,  for  the  good  conduct  and  intrepidity 
manifested  in  the  action  with  Lieutenant-Colonel  Tarleton 
on  the  17th  of  January.  This  total  defeat  of  chosen 
British  troops,  by  a  number  far  inferior  to  them,  will  for 
ever  distinguish  the  gallant  men  by  whom  the  glorious 
victory  was  obtained  and  endear  them  to  their  country. 
Colonel  Pickens'  behavior  justified  the  opinion  I  have 
always  had  of  that  gallant  officer.  Enclosed  is  a  Briga 
dier's  commission,  of  which  I  desire  his  acceptance. 

"I  am,  etc., 

"J.  KUTLEDGE." 


2C4  MORGAN   AT   HOME. 

Congress  also  expressed  their  approbation  by  passing  a 
preamble  and  resolutions  of  appreciation  and  obligation 
to  the  officers  and  men  who  took  part  in  the  action  of 
Oowpens.  They  directed  that  a  gold  medal,  with  suitable 
inscriptions,  should  be  presented  to  Morgan,  to  Colonels 
Washington  and  Howard  a  silver  medal,  and  to  Major 
Tripl it t  a  sword. 

It  was  scarcely  over-estimated.  In  consideration  of  the 
respective  numbers,  quality  of  fighting  material,  etc.,  it 
was  certainly  the  most  brilliant  action  of  the  war.  Had 
Greene  brought  his  army  with  him  to  the  Catawba,  the 
passage  of  that  river  by  Cornwallis  could  have  been 
either  utterly  disputed  or  made  so  disastrous  as  to  have 
compelled  that  General  to  fall  back  into  lower  South 
Carolina. 

Lest  Morgan  should  be  over-much  exalted,  the  envious 
hastened  to  discharge  their  little  arrows  of  criticism  and 
innuendo  at  the  colossus  who,  for  a  time,  had  arrested  the 
attention  of  the  continent.  Tarleton,  stung  by  so  com 
plete  a  castigation  from  one  whom  he  affected  to  despise, 
impugns  Morgan's  judgment,  accusing  him  of  temerity 
in  selecting  a  battle-field  disadvantageous  to  the  American 
army  and  favorable  for  the  British. 

He  says  :  "The  situation  of  the  enemy  was  desperate 
in  case  of  a  misfortune  ;  an  open  country  and  a  river  in 
their  rear,  threw  them  entirely  in  the  power  of  a  superior 
cavalry,  whilst  the  light  troops  [British],  in  case  of  a  re 
pulse,  had  the  expectation  of  a  neighboring  force  [Corn 
wallis'  army]  to  protect  them  from  destruction."  Tarle 
ton  does  not  seem  to  be  aware  of  the  recoil  of  such  a 
criticism. 

Morgan,  in  a  few  words,  justifies  himself  from  the 
charge  of  temerity,  and  establishes  the  ripe  military  judg 
ment  that  fixed  upon  the  field  of  Cowpens. 

"  I  would  not,"  said  he,  "have  had  a  swamp  in  view  of 


MORGAN   AT   HOME.  265 

my  militia  upon  any  consideration  ;  they  would  have  made 
for  it,  and  nothing  could  have  detained  them.  As  to 
covering  my  wings  ;  I  knew  my  adversary,  and  was  per 
fectly  sure  I  should  have  nothing  but  down-right  fighting. 
As  to  retreat,  it  was  the  very  thing  I  wished  to  cut  off  all 
hope  of.  I  would  have  thanked  Tarleton  if  he  had  sur 
rounded  me  with  his  cavalry.  It  would  have  been  better 
than  placing  my  own  men  in  the  rear  to  shoot  down  those 
who  broke  from  the  ranks. 

"  When  men  are  forced  to  fight,  they  will  sell  their 
lives  as  dearly  as  possible.  I  knew  that  the  dread  of 
Tarleton's  cavalry  would  give  due  weight  to  the  protection 
of  my  bayonets  and  keep  my  troops  from  breaking,  as 
Buf orcl's  regiment  had  done. 

"  Had  I  crossed  the  river,  one-half  of  the  militia  would 
immediately  have  abandoned  me." 

Simply,  Tarleton  had  "reckoned  without  his  host ;"  he 
had  come  to  Cowpens  to  meet  his  master. 

Colonel  Lee,  who  saw  himself  hopelessly  eclipsed  by  the 
splendor  of  Cowpens,  ascribes  Morgan's  determination  to 
fight  Tarleton  to  a  "  sudden  fit  of  ill-temper,  which  over 
ruled  the  suggestions  of  Morgan's  sound  and  discrimina 
ting  judgment." 

His  masterly  retreat,  before  so  superior  an  enemy,  was 
pronounced  "  miraculous." 

Lee  likewise  accuses  him  of  quarreling  with  Greene,  of 
showing  a  disregard  for  the  safety  of  the  main  body  of 
the  army.  Doubtless  he  had  reason  for  some  curious 
thoughts  of  his  Commanding  General,  but  there  is  no 
proof  that  any  jarring  words  passed  between  them  ;  their 
subsequent  correspondence  entirely  contradicts  such  an 
assertion.*  For  magnanimity  Morgan  ranks  with  Wash 
ington. 

His  motives  for  leaving  the  service  were  also  impugned  ; 
it  was  insinuated  that  his  ill-health  was  feigned.     Those 
*  Lee's  Memoirs  and  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan. 
12 


266  MORGAN    AT    HOME. 

are  the  small  accusements  of  small  minds,  contradicted 
by  the  most  obvious  facts  and  motives  of  the  case,  and  in 
direct  opposition  to  the  express  assertions  of  Morgan  him 
self.  He  was  of  other  stuff  than  that  which  makes  liars 
and  hypocrites. 

Bancroft  says  :  "A  severe  attack  of  acute  rheumatism, 
consequent  on  the  exposure  of  this  and  former  campaigns, 
forced  him  to  take  leave  of  absence.  Wherever  he  had 
appeared,  he  had  always  heralded  the  way  to  daring  action. 
He  first  attracted  attention  at  Boston,,  was  foremost  on 
the  march  through  the  wilderness  to  Canada,  and  fore 
most  to  take  Quebec  by  storm.  He  bore  the  brunt  of 
every  engagement  with  Burgoyne's  army,  and  now  he  had 
won  the  most  extraordinary  victory  of  the  war.  He  took 
with  him  into  retirement  the  praise's  of  all  the  army  and 
of  the  chief  civil  representatives  of  the  country.  Again 
and  again  hopes  rose  that  he  might  once  more  appear  in 
arms ;  but  the  unrelenting  malady  obliged  him  to  refuse 
the  invitation  of  La  Fayette  and  even  of  Washington." 

This  last  was  true  in  effect  though  not  literally  ;  he  took 
the  field  at  the  urgent  solicitation  of  La  Fayette  and  of 
Governor  Jefferson,  during  the  siege  of  Yorktown,  but 
soon  succumbed  to  his  distressing  malady. 


XXVIIL— 1781. 
GKEENE'S  KETREAT  ACROSS  THE  DAN. 

TURNING  over  General  Greene's  letters  to  Washing 
ton  after  Cowpens,  we  read  under  date  of  Jan.  24, 
"Camp  of  Kepose":  "The  event  is  glorious,  and  I  am 
exceedingly  unhappy  that  our  wretched  condition  will 
not  permit  of  our  improving  it  to  the  best  advantage. 
I  shall  do  all  I  can,  but  our  prospects  are  gloomy.  Our 
force  is  small  and  daily  declining.  We  have  no  clothing 
or  provisions  but  what  we  collect  from  day  to  day." 
On  January  28,  four  days  after  hearing  of  Cowpens,  "I 
have  the  satisfaction  to  transmit  to  your  Excellency  a 
letter  from  Brigadier-General  Morgan,  announcing  the 
total  defeat  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Tarleton.  The  vic 
tory  was  complete  and  the  action  glorious.  The  bril 
liancy  and  success  with  which  it  was  fought  does  the 
highest  honor  to  the  American  arms,  and  adds  splen 
dor  to  the  character  of  the  General  and  his  officers. 
I  am  unhappy  that  the  distressed  condition  of  this  army 
will  not  admit  of  our  improving  the  advantage  we  have 
gained."  * 

'  Under  date  of  February  9,  Guilford  C.  H.,  1781, 
General  Greene  gives  the  reason  for  leaving  his  army  and 
riding  in  haste  into  Morgan's  camp  at  Sherrald's  Ford. 
He  says  :  "I  set  out  to  join  the  light  infantry  in  order 
to  collect  the  militia  and  embarrass  the  enemy  till  we 
could  effect  a  junction  of  our  forces."  f 

*  Sparks  Cor.,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  214-218. 
f  Sparks'  Cor.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  225. 


268  GREECE'S  RETREAT  ACROSS  THE  DAK. 

We  have  already  referred  to  the  difficulty  of  persuading 
the  militia  from  their  agricultural  duties  at  this  juncture, 
but  General  Davidson's  influence  had  collected  about 
eight  hundred  men,  who  were  posted  at  the  different  fords 
of  the  Catawba.  When  Morgan  found  that  Cornwallis 
would  certainly  cross  the  Catawba  in  a  few  hours,  he 
moved  away  towards  the  Yadkin,  leaving  Greene  behind 
to  "collect  the  militia  and  embarrass  the  enemy."  Gen 
eral  Greene  conducted  no  part  of  the  retreat  of  Morgan's 
force,  but  followed  him  to  the  Yadkin  two  days  after. 

The  patriot  leader  Davidson,  with  four  hundred  militia, 
took  post  at  McGowan's  Ford,  a  short  distance  below 
Sherrald's  Ford,  where  Morgan's  army  had  lain.  He 
resolved  to  dispute  as  long  as  possible  the  crossing  of 
Cornwallis,  or  at  least  inflict  as  heavy  a  loss  upon  him 
as  possible.  Greene  writes:  "The  enemy  crossed  at 
McGowan's  Ford,  where  General  Davidson  was  posted 
with  the  greatest  part  of  the  militia,  who  fled  at  the  first 
discharge.  The  enemy  made  good  the  landing,  and  the 
militia  retreated.  A  place  of  rendezvous  was  appointed 
for  the  militia  to  collect  at,  who  were  posted  at  the  dif 
ferent  fords  up  and  down  the  river  above  thirty  miles. 
Part  of  them  halted  about  seven  miles  short  of  the  place 
of  rendezvous,  and  were  overtaken  by  Tarleton  and  dis 
persed.  I  waited  that  night  at  the  place  appointed  for 
the  militia  to  collect  at  till  morning ;  but  not  a  man 
appeared."  *  This  is  an  error  that  does  injustice  to  the 
militia  and  to  the  valiant  Davidson  who  stood  to  his  post 
and  there  yielded  up  his  life  for  his  country. 

It  was  a  brave  risk  that  Cornwallis  took  in  the  darkness 
of  that  winter  morning,  to  cross  a  stream  "five  hundred 
yards  wide,  two  to  four  feet  deep,  and  with  a  current  so 
rapid  as  to  require  the  greatest  care  and  exertions  on  the 
part  of  those  crossing  to  prevent  being  swept  away." 

Davidson  discovered  their  approach  and  opened  fire 
*  Sparks'  Cor.,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  226. 


GREENE'S  RETREAT  ACROSS  THE  DAN.          269 

upon  them  when  they  had  reached  the  middle  of  the 
stream.  Their  guide  then  deserted  the  British,,  and  this 
circumstance,  which  at  first  appeared  to  be  a  calamity, 
ensured  their  safety.  They  no  longer  followed  the  ford 
but  kept  their  way  directly  across  the  stream,  and  landed 
at  a  point  about  four  hundred  yards  above  the  spot  where 
Davidson  expected  them.  Learning  the  turn  of  affairs, 
he  moved  upon  them  and  opened  a  severe  fire  upon  the 
British  advance  guard.  After  a  sharp  action  in  which 
the  enemy  lost  sixty  killed  and  many  wounded  and  swept 
away  by  the  current,  Davidson  was  mounting  his  horse  to 
bring  off  his  detachment,  when  a  British  bullet  pierced 
him  and  he  fell  dead.* 

Inevitably,  the  militia,  left  without  a  leader,  scattered ; 
and  of  the  eight  hundred  collected  by  Davidson,  but  three 
hundred  reported  at  the  appointed  rendezvouz  at  Tarrant's 
Tavern,  where  Tarleton  was  quickly  upon  them.  This 
dissolved  the  whole  body.  We  might  reasonably  expect 
that  General  Greene  would  have  been  at  the  ford  with 
Davidson,  or  at  least  at  the  rendezvous  at  Tarrant's 
Tavern,  ten  miles  from  the  Catawba,  but  he  was  at  neither 
place ;  he  stopped  at  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Oarr,  sixteen 
miles  away.  As  "not  a  man  appeared,"  he  rode  on  to 
Salisbury  and  alighted,  worn  and  exhausted,  at  the  door  of 
the  tavern.  "What,  alone  !  General  Greene  ?"  asked  an 
officer  who  was  expecting  him. 

"Yes,  hungry,  penniless  and  alone,"  added  Greene. 

Here  occurred  the  incident  so  often  told  of  Greene, 
when  the  landlady  brought  her  little  store  of  gold,  hoarded 
for  the  dire  extremities  of  those  evil  times,  and  gave  him 
all.  Likewise,  after  supper,  Greene  noticed  on  the  wall  a 
picture  of  King  George,  which  he  turned  with  its  face  to 
the  wall  and  wrote  upon  it,  "Hide  thy  face,  George,  and 
blush." 

He  followed  and  overtook  Morgan  at  the  Yadkin,  and 
*  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan. 


270          GREENE'S  RETREAT  ACROSS  THE  DAN. 

writes  :  "  As  soon  as  I  arrived  at  the  infantry  camp,  /  wrote 
letters  to  all  the  militia  officers  over  the  mountains  to 
embody  their  men  and  join  the  army.  Very  few  have 
joined  us." 

Greene  had  written  to  Lee  to  hasten  his  junction  with 
the  army,  saying,  "Here  is  a  fine  field  and  great  glory 
ahead,"  but  after  joining  all  forces  at  Guilford,  equal  if 
not  greater  than  that  of  Cornwallis,  he  declined  a  battle 
and  announced  his  intention  to  continue  the  retreat  over 
the  Dan  into  Virginia,  where  he  expected  further  rein 
forcements, — a  keen  disappointment  to  his  officers,  espe 
cially  those  who  were  fresh  from  the  field  of  Cowpens  and 
eager  again  to  measure  swords  with  the  enemy.  Johnson 
says  :  "  The  fallen  countenances  of  his  officers  proclaimed 
their  disappointment." 

Before  leaving  the  army  Morgan  had  indicated  his 
preference  for  his  successor  as  commander  of  the  light 
troops.  He  had  named  his  friend  Colonel  0.  H.  Williams. 

The  question  now  was,  how  to  make  the  passage  of  the 
Dan,  for  Cornwallis  had  gained  its  upper  fords ;  but 
Carrington,  Greene's  quartermaster  and  a  most  efficient 
officer,  suggested  that  the  army  cross  by  the  lower  fords, 
on  rafts  and  boats  which  he  had  assembled  there.  Colonel 
Williams  with  his  light  infantry  protected  the  rear,  and 
Greene  and  his  whole  army  were  passed  safely  over  the 
Dan. 

"But  for  Carrington's  energy  and  punctuality  in  col 
lecting  the  boats  upon  the  Dan,  the  retreat  which  saved 
the  South,  would  have  been  its  ruin."*  It  is  somewhat 
difficult  to  understand  how  Greene's  retreat  saved  the 
South.  It  would  have  been  "better  in  the  breach  than 
the  observance,"  since  it  abandoned  the  Carolinas  once 
more  to  the  British  and  royalists,  who  uprose  and  returned 
to  their  evil  deeds.  Tarleton  says:  "Having  chased 
Greene's  army  out  of  North  Carolina,  the  king's  standard 
*  Greene's  Life  of  Greene. 


GREENE'S  RETREAT  ACROSS  THE  DAN.  271 

was  raised  at  Hillsborough."  Bancroft  says:  "Seven 
companies  were  formed  in  one  day." 

From  the  Dan,  Greene  wrote  :  "I  wish  it  was  in  my 
power  to  give  your  Excellency  more  flattering  accounts 
from  this  quarter.  However,  my  utmost  exertions  shall 
be  continued  to  save  these  States.  I  shall  be  happy  if  my 
conduct  meets  with  your  approbation,  as  my  situation 
affords  me  no  prospect  of  personal  glory"  Being  heavily 
reinforced  by  Virginia  militia,  Greene  recrossed  the  Dan. 
Finding  his  force  more  than  twice  that  of  Cornwallis, 
Greene  essayed  a  battle  at  Guilford  C.  H. 

His  plan  of  battle  was  somewhat  at  fault,  his  three 
divisions  being  posted  at  too  great  a  distance  to  properly 
support  each  other.  Likewise  concerning  the  militia. 
"Greene  had  always  differed  from  Washington  on  the 
proper  manner  of  using  militia  ;  the  former  thought  they 
should  be  used  as  a  reserve  to  improve  an  advantage,  but 
Greene  insisted  that  they  ought  to  be  placed  in  front."  * 
Gates  had  done  the  same  thing  at  Camden.  Greene  there 
fore  formed  his  front  line  of  North  Carolina  militia,  who, 
Hildreth  says,  were  so  posted  as  a  punishment  for  sus 
pected  toryism.  "Food  for  powder!"  At  the  first  fire 
they  fled,  throwing  away  arms,  knapsacks  and  canteens. 

The  heroes  of  Cowpens  were  there,  and  fought  splen 
didly  ;  by  British  admission,  they  were  at  the  point  of 
victory  when  an  ill-timed  retreat  was  ordered,  leaving  the 
field,  the  artillery  and  the  glory,  to  the  British,  who  pur 
sued  for  three  miles.  Greene  retreated  ten  miles,  to 
Troublesome  Creek,  and  fainted. 

He  had,  however,  accomplished  his  purpose,  which 
was,  he  said,  "  to  encumber  his  enemy  with  wounded."  f 
A  fourth  of  the  British  army  was  disabled,  including  their 
best  officers — Tarleton,  Stewart  and  Webster,  mortally. 

The  British  were  so  weakened  by  their  victory  that 
Cornwallis  fell  leisurely  back  and  down  towards  Wilming- 
*  Bancroft,  Vol.  X.  \  Johnson. 


272     GREENE'S  EETREAT  ACROSS  THE  DAN. 

ton.  Greene  followed  as  leisurely,  as  far  as  Deep  River, 
and  there  gave  over  the  pursuit, — comes  to  the  conclusion 
to  push  "  boldly"  into  South  Carolina  and  let  Cornwallis 
go  to  "  Halifax,"  or  wherever  he  will. 

Johnson  relates  how  "  Greene  afterwards  found  out 
that  he  might  have  overtaken  and  must  have  destroyed 
Cornwallis." 

Greene  communicates  to  Washington  his  purpose  to 
"  surprise"  Rawdon  at  Camden,  and  adds  :  "  I  shall  take 
every  measure  to  avoid  a  misfortune ;  but  necessity  obliges 
me  to  commit  myself  to  chance,  and  I  trust  my  friends 
will  do  justice  to  my  reputation  if  any  accident  attends 
me."* 

Unfortunately  Greene  wrote  letters  which,  passing 
through  an  unfriendly  country,  fell  into  hands  for  which 
they  were  not  intended,  so  that  Lord  Rawdon  at  Camden 
fully  expected  and  was  ready  to  receive  him.  Unable  to 
storm  the  works,  Greene  took  a  strong  position  near  Cam 
den,  at  Hobkirk's  Hill.  His  force  was  nearly  two  thousand. 
Lord  Rawdon,  with  nine  hundred,  concluded  to  surprise 
Greene,  who  was  taking  a  not  over  early,  or  over  "  hasty," 
cup  of  coffee,  on  the  morning  of  April  28th.  This  he 
did.  A  sharp  action  ensued,  when  Greene  retreated,  hav 
ing  suffered  a  loss  of  three  hundred.  The  British  lost 
about  the  same  number.  Greene  wrote  :  "  Had  we  de 
feated  the  enemy,  not  a  man  of  the  party  would  have  got 
back  into  the  town ;  the  disgrace  is  more  vexatious  than 
anything  else." 

But  Marion  had,  in  reality,  taken  Camden  two  days 
before  the  battle  of  Hobkirk's  Hill.  He  had  invested 
Fort  Watson,  on  Wright's  Bluff,  below.  The  bluff  was 
forty  feet  high,  and  the  garrison  over  one  hundred.  Ma 
rion's  men  felled  trees  and  built  towers  high  enough  to 
command  the  fort,  and  compelled  a  surrender.  This  was 
the  connecting  post  between  Camden  and  Charleston,  so 
*  Sparks'  Correspondence,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  279. 


GREENE'S  RETREAT  ACROSS  THE  DAN.  273 

that,  hearing  of  its  fall,  Lord  Rawdon  at  once  ordered  the 
destruction  of  his  works  and  the  evacuation  of  Camden. 
This  was  May  10th.  On  May  llth,  Orangeburgh  sur 
rendered  to  General  Sumter.  On  the  12th,  Marion  and 
that  brave  woman,  Rebecca  Motte,  drove  the  British 
from  Fort  Motte.  Sumter  took  Fort  Granby,  and 
Lee  compelled  the  garrison  of  Augusta  to  capitulate, 
June  5th. 

Greene  meanwhile  attempts  Ninety-Six,  and  makes 
fearful  work  of  it ; — worse  than  a  blunder,  it  was  a 
crime. 

Attacking  the  enemy  in  the  rear,  and  reducing  the 
smaller  posts,  Marion  and  Sumter  had  by  July  compelled 
the  British  to  evacuate  the  strong  posts  of  the  upper 
country,  and  they  were  now  confined  to  the  narrow  dis 
trict  between  the  Santee  and  lower  Savannah.  This  was 
the  policy  advocated  from  the  first  by  Morgan  ;  the  sequel 
proves  its  wisdom. 

Bancroft  well  says  of  this  campaign  :  "  Whatever  was 
achieved,  was  achieved  by  Americans  alone,  and  ~by 
Americans  of  the  South. "  Meantime,  the  interests 
of  the  Southern  department  had  been  transferred  to 
Virginia. 

Cornwallis,  having  refreshed  his  battered  army  and  re 
inforced  at  Wilmington,  called  a  council  of  officers  to 
decide  whether  to  return  to  the  defence  of  what  he  had 
already  acquired,  or  march  up  through  North  Carolina 
into  Virginia.  Tarleton  warmly  opposed  a  march  into 
Virginia,  and  counseled  a  return  to  South  Carolina.  But 
Cornwallis  was  sick  of  the  Carolinas,  and  hoped  new  fields 
would  bring  him  new  laurels. 

Up  through  the  whole  length  of  the  State,  harrying 
and  terrifying  the  people,  Cornwallis,  with  two  thousand 
troops,  marched,  "  with  no  opposition  which  an  advanced 
guard  under  Tarleton  did  not  easily  overcome  ;"  reaching 


274          GREECE'S  RETREAT  ACROSS  THE 

Halifax,  "  his  troops  were  let  loose  to  commit  enormities 
that  were  a  disgrace  to  the  name  of  man."  * 

Early  in  May  he  joined  forces  with  Phillips  at  Peters- 
burgh,  and  found  himself  "  at  the  head  of  seven  thousand 
effective  men,  and  with  entire  control  of  the  water,  while 
La  Fayette  had  not  a  third  of  that  number  to  oppose 
him." 

*  Bancroft,  Vol.  X,  p.  485. 


XXIX.— 1781. 
MORGAN  AGAIN  IN  THE  SERVICE. 

AFTER  a  furlough  of  two  months  at  home,  his  health 
being  in  a  measure  reinstated,  and,  seeing  General 
Greene  hard  pushed  at  Hobkirk's  Hill,  Morgan  had  re 
solved  to  repair  at  once  to  his  camp.  Just  at  this  time, 
however,  May  1781,  the  alarming  state  of  things  in  Vir 
ginia  called  for  the  prompt  and  vigorous  service  of  all  her 
sons. 

In  January  of  1781,  whilst  Morgan  was  before  Corn- 
wallis  in  South  Carolina,  Arnold  invaded  Virginia  with 
sixteen  hundred  men,  captured  Eichmond  and  destroyed 
an  immense  amount  of  public  and  private  property.  In 
March,  Phillips  joined  Arnold  with  two  thousand  British 
from  New  York,  and  the  whole  country,  between  the 
rivers  James  and  York,  was  wasted  and  burned.  Virginia 
having  drained  her  resources  to  strength  en  Greene's  army, 
with  the  hope  that  Oornwallis  would  be  destroyed  or 
driven  back  to  the  sea,  was  illy  prepared  to  resist  the 
present  powerful  invasion. 

Washington  sent  La  Fayette  to  the  rescue,  and  though 
he  was  urgently  pressed  to  come  himself  to  the  help  of  his 
own  State,  he  declined  to  move  from  the  highlands  of  the 
Hudson. 

He  hoped  much  from  the  influence  of  La  Fayette.  In 
Baltimore  the  Marquis  was  warmly  received,  and  tendered 
the  most  elegant  hospitalities  its  citizens  could  command. 
He  declined  these  expensive  honors,  and  begged  instead, 
that  the  ladies  of  Baltimore  would  assemble  and  ply  their 


276  MORGAN   AGAIN   IK  THE   SERVICE. 

patriotic  needles  to  clothe  his  naked  soldiers, — himself 
furnishing  the  materials.  "  He  drew  to  his  side,  as  volun 
teers,  gallant  young  men,  mounted  on  their  own  horses, 
from  Maryland  and  Virginia.  Youth,  generosity,  cour 
age  and  prudence,  were  his  spells  of  persuasion.  His 
perceptions  were  quick,  his  vigilance  never  failed,  and  in 
his  methods  of  gaining  information  of  the  movements  of 
the  enemy,  he  excelled  all  officers  of  the  war,  except 
Washington  and  Morgan.  All  accounts  bear  testimony  to 
his  prudence,  and  that  he  never  once  committed  himself 
during  a  very  difficult  campaign."*  Tarleton  bears  witness 
to  this  in  his  "  Campaign." 

Arriving  in  Eichmond,  La  Fayette  addressed  Morgan  : 

"  May  21,  1781. 

"  My  Dear  Sir : — Having  heard  that  on  your  recovery 
you  had  set  out  for  the  Southern  army,  I  made  no  doubt 
you  had  arrived  in  South  Carolina.  But  I  hear  that  you 
are  not  yet  gone,  and  with  the  freedom  of  an  old  and  affec 
tionate  friend,  take  the  liberty  to  request  your  assistance. 

"  Lord  Cornwallis  came  without  opposition  to  Halifax, 
and  has  now  joined  forces  with  Phillips  at  Petersburgh. 

"  General  Phillips'  force  consisted  of  two  thousand  five 
hundred  regulars  rank  and  file.  The  force  of  Cornwallis 
you  will  better  know  than  I  do,  when  I  tell  you  it  consists 
of  the  23d,  71st,  33d  British,  one  Hessian  regiment,  the 
light  infantry  and  guards,  Tarleton's  Legion  and  some 
other  corps.  They  have  entire  command  of  the  waters. 
They  have  much  cavalry.  We  have  for  the  present  forty. 
Our  regular  force  is  near  nine  hundred.  Our  militia  not 
very  strong.  We  have  not  a  hundred  riflemen,  and  are 
in  the  greatest  need  of  arms. 

"Under  these  circumstances,  my  dear  sir,  I  do  very 
much  want  your  assistance,  and  beg  leave  to  request  it, 
both  as  a  lover  of  public  welfare  and  as  a  private  friend 
*  Bancroft,  Vol.  X. 


MORGAN  AGAIN   IN  THE   SEEVICE.  277 

of  yours.  Your  influence  can  do  more  than  orders  from 
the  Executive.  Permit  me,  my  dear  sir,  entirely  to  de 
pend  on  your  exertions. 

"  Another  very  great  reinforcement  to  our  small,  dimin 
utive  of  an  army,  and  which  will  produce  the  happiest 
effects,  would  be  your  personal  presence  on  the  field.  I 
beg  leave,  my  dear  sir,  most  warmly  to  entreat  you  to  join 
us  if  the  state  of  your  health  will  permit. 

"I  remain,  my  dear  sir,  most  affectionately  your  friend, 

"LA  FAYETTE. 

"  General  MORGAN." 

Also  : 

"From  CIIAELOTTESVILLE,  June  2,  1781. 
"Sir: — I  have  the  pleasure  to  inclose  to  you  a  resolu 
tion  of  the  House  of  Delegates,  by  which  you  will  perceive 
the  confidence  they  repose  in  your  exertions  and  the 
desire  they  entertain  of  your  lending  your  aid  under  our 
present  circumstances.  I  sincerely  wish  your  health  may 
be  so  far  re-established  as  to  permit  you  to  take  the  field, 
as  no  one  would  count  more  than  myself  on  the  effect  of 
your  interposition.  *  *  *  * 

"  I  am  with  great  respect, 

"Your  most  humble  servant, 

"Tnos.  JEFFERSON. 
"  Brigadier- General  MORGAN." 

Meantime  Tarleton  had  made  a  cavalry  sweep  inland, 
surprised  the  Assembly  at  Oharlottesville  and  taken  seven 
members  prisoners,  thus  for  the  time  unseating  the  civil 
authority  of  the  State.  A  fragment  of  the  body  addressed 
Morgan  : 

"  STAUNTON,  June  14. 

"Sir: — *  *  *  *  So  much  is  at  stake  on  the  field  of 
battle,  that  it  is  not  only  our  wish,  but  that  of  every  mem 
ber  of  the  Assembly,  that  you  march  with  what  men  you 


278  MORGAN   AGAIN   IN  THE   SERVICE. 

have  raised,  leaving  orders  for  others  to  follow  you.  We 
are  truly  sensible  of  the  alacrity  with  which  the  people  on 
this  side  of  the  mountains  will  join  you ;  they  wish  to  lie 
commanded  ly  you.  We  therefore  entreat  that  you  lose 
no  time  in  joining  the  Marquis. 

' 'We  are  your  very  humble  servants, 

"ARCHIBALD  GARY, 
"BENJAMIN  HARRISON." 

Morgan  responded  promptly  to  these  importunate  ap 
peals,  and  having  clothed  the  men  at  his  own  expense, 
sent  them  forward  under  Captain  Nelson,  and  wrote  to 
the  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Delegates  that  he  had  con 
tracted  a  heavy  debt  which  he  trusted  would  be  assumed 
by  the  State. 

Hearing  of  Morgan's  approach,  La  Fayette  writes  : 

"June  12,  1781. 

"My  Dear  Sir : — With  the  greatest  satisfaction  I  have 
received  your  letter  mentioning  the  exertions  you  have 
made  for  our  support.  Your  assistance  is  very  necessary 
to  us,  and  your  success  in  collecting  the  troops  is  above 
my  expectation.  The  sooner  they  are  with  us  the  better, 
and  I  shall  be  particularly  happy  in  taking  by  the  hand  a 
friend  for  whom  I  have  ever  felt  the  highest  regard  and 
sincerest  affection.  The  enemy  are  opposite  to  Elk  Creek. 
Our  junction  with  the  Pennsylvanians  enables  us  to  seme 
resistance,  but  we  are  still  much  inferior  to  his  Lordship. 
Whatever  you  think  better  for  the  good  of  the  service 
that  comes  within  the  bounds  of  my  power,  I  request  you 
will  either  mention  to  me  or  have  executed  in  my  name. 
Adieu,  my  dear  sir,  with  the  most  perfect  regard  and 
attachment. 

"Your  most  humble  servant, 

"LA  FAYETTE." 

Having  sent  forward  his  cavalry,  Morgan  marched  witli 


MORGAN   AGAIN   IN   THE   SERVICE.  279 

the  riflemen  he  had  collected  on  the  20th  of  June,  and 
reached  the  headquarters  of  the  Marquis  on  the  6th  of 
July.  He  was  immediately  invested  with  the  command 
of  all  the  light  troops  and  the  cavalry. 

Concerning  the  Maryland  volunteer  dragoons,  La  Fayette 
wrote  to  him  : 

"July  16, 1781. 

"Dear  Sir: — I  have  attached  to  your  command  Major 
Nelson's  corps  and  the  Maryland  volunteer  dragoons.  I 
beg  leave  to  recommend  the  latter  to  your  attention. 
Most  of  them  are  men  of  fortune  who  make  great  sacri 
fices  to  serve  their  country.  You  will  not,  therefore,  put 
them  upon  the  duties  of  orderlies,  or  the  common  camp 
duties  which  can  be  as  well  performed  by  the  Continental 
horse.  In  everything  else,  you  will  find  they  will  answer 
your  expectations.  As  they  are  only  to  be  subject  to  your 
orders,  when  you  have  accomplished  the  objects  mentioned 
in  my  letter  of  yesterday,  or  when  it  is  decided  that 
Taiieton  intends  southerly  and  is  beyond  the  reach  of 
being  struck,  you  will  be  good  enough  to  order  their 
return  to  headquarters  It  is  my  wish  to  dismiss  them 
the  moment  it  is  in  my  power. 

"I  am  your  obedient  servant, 

"LA  FAYETTE." 

Think  of  that !  from  a  man  who  had  himself  left  ease, 
honors,  wife,  children,  home  and  country ;  who  had 
perilled  his  life  and  devoted  his  private  fortune  in  the 
cause  of  an  humble  people  in  a  distant  land,  who  was 
struggling  to  solve  the  greatest  of  political  problems,  and 
to  realize  the  noblest  dream  of  the  noblest  dreamers,  from 
Plato  to  Washington. 

The  morning  after  Morgan's  arrival  in  camp,  Cornwallis 
had  dispatched  Tarleton  with  a  body  of  cavalry  and 
mounted  infantry  to  attack  La  Fayette.  They  encoun 
tered  a  mounted  patrol,  who  fell  back  upon  the  main 


280  MORGAN   AGAIN    IN   THE    SERVICE. 

body  of  riflemen,  giving  the  alarm.  They  were  instantly  in 
position,  and  upon  Tarleton's  approach,  opened  so  prompt 
and  vigorous  a  fire  upon  him  that  he  beat  a  hasty  retreat.* 

A  few  days  after,  Cornwallis  sent  Tarleton  upon  a  distant 
and  dangerous  expedition  inland,  to  destroy  a  magazine  of 
stores  which  were  intended  for  Greene's  army.  Wayne 
and  Morgan  had  well  concerted  a  plan  for  his  capture. 
Tarleton,  foiled  in  his  work  of  destruction,  was  returning, 
and  hearing  of  the  danger  that  menaced  him,  he  destroyed 
his  wagons,  made  haste  to  strike  a  lower  route  and  nar 
rowly  escaped  capture. f  The  knowledge  that  Morgan  was 
again  in  the  field  was  a  valuable  check  both  upon  Tarleton 
and  Cornwallis. 

On  July  30,  Morgan  and  Wayne  moved  from  Goode's 
Bridge  to  Deep  Creek,  as  affording  greater  facilities  for 
menacing  Petersburg!)  or  securing  a  passage  into  North 
Carolina.  This  may  be  considered  i '  the  first  of  a  series 
of  movements  which  ended  in  the  capture  of  Cornwallis." 

Three  weeks  in  camp,  however,  convinced  Morgan  that 
he  had  anticipated  his  restoration  to  health.  His  keen 
military  instincts,  the  imminent  peril  of  Virginia,  the 
expressed  wishes  of  Congress,  the  Commander-in-chief,  and 
the  State  authorities,  with  the  earnest  entreaties  of  his 
cherished  friend  La  Fayette,  had  stimulated  him  to  the 
effort ;  but  the  exposure  of  camp  life  speedily  awoke  the 
sleeping  virus  in  his  system,  and  he  again  succumbed  to 
his  inexorable  enemy.  He  journeyed  homeward  early  in 
August,  with  the  conviction  that  he  had  dealt  his  last 
blow  for  the  cause  he  loved  so  well. 

Shortly  before  this  he  had  written  to  General  Greene  : 

"  CAMP  GOODE'S  BRIDGE,  July  24,  1781. 
u  Dear  Sir : — After  making  use  of  the  cold  bath  for 
upwards  of  two  months,  I  thought  myself  so  far  recovered, 
as  to  be  able  to  take  thjs  field,  and  intended  to  have  joined 
^Graham's  Life  of  Morgan.  f  Ibid. 


MOKGAN   AGAIN   IK   THE   SEEVICE.  281 

you.  But  my  Lord,  making  so  deep  a  lunge  at  the  Old 
Dominion,  that  both  Houses  of  the  Assembly  requested  me 
to  raise  as  many  volunteers  as  possible  and  join  the  Mar 
quis,  which  I  did. 

"  How  are  all  the  old  heroes  ?  Washington,  Lee,  Howard, 
etc.  I  have  not  time  to  write  them.  Please  to  make  my 
compliments  to  them,  also  to  General  Huger,  Colonel 
Williams  and  your  own  family.  I  saw  your  letter  to  the 
Marquis  and  was  very  unhappy  at  your  situation.*  That 
d  —  d  reinforcement  arrived  very  unluckily.  I  lay  out  the 
night  after  arriving  in  camp,  and  caught  cold.  I  am 
afraid  I  am  broke  down.  I  sincerely  wish  you  every  species 
of  good  luck  and  all  the  happiness  that  country  can 
afford. 

"I  have  the  honor,  etc., 

MORGAN." 


To  this  Morgan  received  the  following  from  General 
Greene:  f 

"  HEADQUARTERS,  CAMDEN,  August  26,  1781. 

"  Dear  Sir  :  —  Your  letter  of  July  24th,  arrived  safe  at 
headquarters,  and  your  compliments  to  Williams,  Wash 
ington,  Lee,  and  other  gentlemen  you  mention,  have  been 
properly  distributed.  Nothing  would  give  me  greater 
pleasure  than  to  have  you  with  me.  The  people  of  this 
county  adore  you.  Had  you  been  with  me  a  few  weeks 
past,  you  would  have  had  it  in  your  power  to  give  the 
world  the  pleasure  of  reading  a  second  Cowpens  affiiir. 
But  alas  !  the  execution  failed  *  *  *  Great  generals 
are  scarce.  There  are  few  Morgans  to  be  found.  The 
ladies  of  Charleston  toast  you.  Don't  you  think  we  bear 
beating  very  well,  and  that  we  are  something  of  the  nature 
of  stock  fish,  the  more  we  are  beat,  the  better  we  grow. 

"I  may  say  with  the  king  of  Prussia,  fortune  is  a  female 
and  I  am  no  gallant.     She  has  jilted  me  several  times  this 
*  At  Ninety-Six.  \  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan. 


282  MORGAN   AGAIN   IN  THE   SERVICE. 

campaign,  but  in  spite  of  her  teeth,  I  pursue  her  still,  in 
hopes  the  old  adage  will  he  fulfilled,  a  coy  dame  may  prove 
kind  at  last. 

"I  am  not  well  pleased  with  her  rebuffs,  hut  I  bear 
them  with  patience.  I  was  content  with  the  flogging  at 
Guilford.  But  I  lost  all  patience  with  that  of  Lord  Kaw- 
don  [Hobkirk's  Hill].  In  the  one  I  considered  victory  as 
doubtful ;  in  the  other  certain.  *  *  * 

"  But  to  add  to  my  misfortune  that  cursed  reinforce 
ment  must  arrive  by  two  days  too  soon.  [Ninety-Six.] 

"  But  upon  the  whole  we  are  as  well  off  as  could  be 
expected,  and  the  less  we  are  indebted  to  fortune,  the 
greater  our  merit.  I  claim  nothing;  the  army  deserves 
everything. 

"  Nurse  your  old  bones  and  stick  by  the  Marquis,  until 
the  modern  Hannibal  unfolds  his  great  designs.  While 
you  and  Wayne  are  with  him  I  think  he  will  be  well  sup 
ported,  and  I  shall  feel  perfectly  easy. 

"We  are  trying  to  collect  the  militia  to  give  the  enemy 
battle.  If  we  succeed,  you  may  hear  of  a  few  being  sent 
to  the  shades  on  both  sides.  The  Dominion  has  been  in 
great  jeopardy  this  campaign. 

"  With  much  esteem,  etc., 

"  NATHANIEL  GREENE." 

While  at  Bath  Springs  he  received  this  from  La  Fayette: 

"  MORSTOK  HILL,  August  15,  1781. 

"  My  Dear  Friend: — I  have  been  happy  to  hear  your 
health  was  better.  I  hope  the  springs  will  entirely  recover 
it  :  then,  my  dear  Sir,  I  shall  be  happier  than  can  be  ex 
pressed  at  seeing  you  with  the  army.  You  are  the  General 
and  the  friend  I  want ;  and  both  from  inclination  and 
esteem,  I  lose  a  great  deal  when  you  go  from  me,  and  will 
think  it  a  great  pleasure  and  a  great  reinforcement  to  see 
you  again.  But  let  me  entreat  you  not  too  soon  to  expose 


MOKGAX   AGAIK   IK  THE   SERVICE.  283 

your  health.  Great  services  have  been  rendered  by  you ; 
great  services  are  justly  expected;  so  that  you  cannot,  con 
sistent  with  your  duty,  trifle  with  your  own  life.  By  the 
time  you  are  called  to  come,  perhaps  the  scene  will  be 
interesting. 

"  Your  influence,  my  dear  Sir,  may  render  us  the 
greatest  service.  The  militia  are  coming  in  so  slow  that 
I  shall  soon  be  left  with  the  Continentals.  For  God's  sake 
tell  them  to  come  on.  I  do  every  day,  expect  a  new  cam 
paign,  and  never  was  worse  provided. 

"  We  put  on  the  best  face  we  can.  But  I  confess  I 
dread  consequences.  *  *  * 

"Could  it  be  possible  to  procure  a  quantity  of  shoes  ? 
The  whole  army  are  barefoot.  These  articles  I  only  men 
tion,  my  dear  friend,  in  case  your  health  permits  you  to 
attend  to  them.  I  beg  you  will  not  take  any  trouble 
about  them  that  might  give  you  improper  fatigue. 

"  Lord  Cornwallis'  army  is  divided  between  York  and 

Gloucester.    At  York  they  don't  fortify ;  but  they  do  at 

Gloucester.    *    *    *    There  is  some  rumor  of  a  fleet  near 

the  Capes,  but  I  do  not  believe  it.  Adieu,  my  dear  Morgan. 

"  Most  affectionately  your  friend, 

"LA  FAYETTE." 

This  correspondence,  copied  from  Graham's  Life  of 
Morgan,  covering  the  time  of  his  connection  with  the 
army  of  Virginia,  disposes  of  the  innuendoes  concerning 
Morgan's  feigned  ill  health,  and  his  lack  of  devotion  to  the 
cause. 

But  a  greater  trial  awaited  him,  when  he  learned  that 
Washington  was  before  Yorktown  ;  the  French  fleets  off 
the  coast,  and  glory  and  victory  for  the  American  arms. 

The  war-worn  hero  essayed  to  rouse  himself,  and  once 
more  gird  on  his  armor,  but  in  vain. 

He  sends  this  greeting  to "  his  beloved  Commander-in- 
chief,  full  of  delicacy  and  magnanimity  : 


284  MORGAN   AGAIN"   IN  THE   SERVICE. 

"  September  20,  1781. 

"Sir:—Ai  a  time  like  this,  when  your  Excellency's 
every  moment  must  be  devoted  to  the  grand  business  of 
America,  I  know  yon  can  have  but  little  leisure  for  private 
letters,  but  the  feelings  of  my  heart  will  not  permit  me  to 
be  silent;  I  cannot  avoid  congratulating  your  Excellency 
on  the  present  favorable  appearance  of  our  affairs. 

"I  cannot  avoid  telling  your  Excellency  how  much  I 
wish  you  success,  and  how  much  I  wish  that  the  state  of 
my  health  would  permit  me  to  afford  my  small  services  on 
this  great  occasion. 

"  Such  has  been  my  peculiar  fate,  that  during  the 
whole  course  of  the  present  war,  I  have  never  on  any  im 
portant  event,  had  the  honor  of  serving  particularly  under 
your  Excellency. 

"It  is  a  misfortune  I  have  ever  sincerely  lamented. 
There  is  nothing  upon  earth,  would  have  given  me  more 
real  pleasure,  than  to  have  made  this  campaign  under  your 
Excellency's  eye,  to  have  shared  the  danger,  and  let  me 
add,  the  glory  too,  which  I  am  almost  confident  will  be 
acquired.  But  as  my  health  will  not  admit  of  my  rejoin 
ing  the  army  immediately,  I  must  beg  leave  to  repeat  to 
your  Excellency,  my  most  earnest  wishes  for  your  success 
and  for  your  personal  safety.  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with 
sentiments  of  the  highest  esteem, 

"  Your  Excellency's  obedient  humble  servant, 

"  DANIEL  MORGAN." 

To  which  Washington  very  handsomely  replies  : 

"Before  YOHKTOWN,  October  5th,  1781. 

"Sir: — Surrounded,  as  I  am,  with  a  great  variety  of 
concerns  on  the  present  occasion,  I  can  yet  find  time  to 
answer  your  letter  of  the  20th  ult.,  which  I  have  received 
with  much  satisfaction,  not  only  as  it  is  filled  with  such 
warm  expressions  of  desire  for  my  success  on  the  present 


MORGAN   AGAIN   IN   THE   SERVICE.  285 

expedition,  but  as  it  breathes  the  spirit  and  ardor  of  a 
veteran  soldier,  who,  though  impaired  in  the  service  of  his 
country,  yet  retains  the  sentiments  of  a  soldier  in  the 
primest  degree. 

Be  assured  that  I  most  sincerely  lament  your  present 
situation,  and  esteem  it  a  peculiar  loss  to  the  United  States 
that  yon  are  at  this  time  unable  to  render  your  services  in 
the  field.  I  most  sincerely  thank  you  for  the  kind  ex 
pressions  of  your  good  wishes,  and  earnestly  hope  that  you 
may  be  soon  restored  to  that  share  of  health  which  you 
may  desire,  and  with  which  you  may  again  be  useful  to 
your  country  in  the  same  eminent  degree  as  has  already 
distinguished  your  conduct. 

"  With  much  regard  and  esteem, 

"I  am,  sir,  your  most  obedient  servant, 

"  GEORGE  WASHINGTON." 


XXX.— 1781. 

YOKKTOWK 

THE  day  of  human  liberty  was  indeed  about  to  dawn? 
and  the  faithful  watchers  and  toilers,  through  the 
long  night  of  bloody  strife,  felt  the  glow  of  that  dawn 
in  their  hearts. 

Cornwallis,  at  first  posted  at  Portsmouth,  whence  he 
commanded  a  way  of  retreat  into  North  Carolina,  made  a 
false  step  in  leaving  it  for  Yorktown.  This  was  a  most 
advantageous  position  so  long  as  he  could  command  the 
sea,  but  losing  the  maritime  superiority,  it  must  inevita 
bly  become  untenable.  He  looked,  of  course,  for  co-oper 
ation  and  succor  from  Clinton  at  New  York. 

On  the  day  that  Cornwallis  took  post  at  Gloucester  and 
Yorktown,  Washington,  near  New  York,  had  been  assured 
of  the  co-operation  of  the  French  fleet  under  De  Grasse  ; 
this  determined  his  course  southward,  with  the  allied 
land  force  of  French  under  Rochambeau  and  his  own 
army. 

While  divisions  and  jealousies  confused  the  councils  of 
Cornwallis  and  Clinton,  perfect  accord  joined  the  hands 
and  strengthened  the  hearts  of  the  French- American  land 
and  naval  force.  De  Barras,  commander  of  the  French 
squadron  at  Newport,  gracefully  put  himself  under  the 
orders  of  De  Grasse,  his  junior ;  and  when  the  latter,  with 
twenty-eight  ships  of  the  line,  entered  the  Chesapeake 
and  disembarked  three  thousand  men  under  the  Marquis 
de  St.  Simon,  he  quickly  notified  La  Fayette  that,  though 


YORKTOWN.  287 

his  senior  both  in  years  and  service,  he  wished  to  place 
himself  and  his  forces  under  his  orders  as  a  Major-General 
in  the  United  States  service. 

Cornwallis  had  fortified  the  posts  of  York  and  Glouces 
ter  during  the  first  week  in  August,  and  on  the  30th  of 
the  same  month,  DeGrasse  held  the  Chesapeake  and  the 
sea.  September  oth,  the  British  Admiral  Graves  was  dis 
patched  from  New  York  to  restore  the  balance,  but  De 
Grasse  engaged  him  at  the  mouth  of  the  Chesapeake,  and, 
after  an  action  of  nearly  three  hours,  remained  master  of 
the  situation.  The  British  loss  was  so  great  that  Graves 
was  compelled  to  return  to  New  York  five  days  afterward. 

Washington  had  brought  his  forces  through  Pennsyl 
vania  and  Maryland  to  the  head  of  the  Chesapeake, 
whence  the  French  fleet  was  to  convey  them  before  York- 
town. 

Leaving  them  at  the  Elk  Eiver,  "  Washington,  with 
the  Counts  Rochambeau  and  Chastelleux,  riding  sixty 
miles  a  day,  on  the  evening  of  the  ninth  of  September, 
reached  his  own  seat  at  Mount  Vernon.  It  was  the  first 
time  in  more  than  six  years  that  he  had  seen  his  home. 
From  its  lofty  natural  terrace  above  the  Potomac,  his 
illustrious  guests  commanded  a  noble  river,  a  wide  ex 
panse,  and  the  height — then  clothed  in  forest — within  a 
generation  to  bear  the  Capitol  of  the  United  Republic. " 

Two  days  they  sojourned  there,  and  the  fourteenth 
brought  them  to  William sburgh,  where  La  Fayette  wel 
comed  his  beloved  General  as  "  Generalissimo  of  the  com 
bined  armies  of  the  two  nations,  to  scenes  of  glory." 

Washington  had  succeeded  in  deceiving  Clinton  as  to 
his  real  intentions,  up  to  the  latest  moment  before  setting 
his  army  in  motion  southward.  He  had  caused  to  be 
erected,  in  the  vicinity  of  New  York,  large  army  bakeries, 
and  had  also  allowed  letters  to  Rochambeau,  concerning 
the  projected  attack  upon  that  city,  to  find  their  way  into 
Clinton's  hands. 


288  YORKTOWN. 

Finding  himself  completely  outwitted,  in  order  to 
draw  Washington's  attention,  and,  if  possible,  his  forces, 
from  Virginia,  Clinton  planned  an  expedition  of  fire, 
plunder,  and  murder,  into  Connecticut,  putting  Arnold 
in  command.  The  destruction  and  cruelty  were  without 
parallel,  but  Washington  did  not  stir  a  man  from  before 
Yorktown. 

The  allied  forces  speedily  erected  around  Cornwallis  a 
wall  of  fire.  His  only  hope  was  to  hold  out  until  Clinton 
could  detach  a  fleet  to  his  aid.  A  letter  in  cipher  signified 
that  the  fleet  would  sail  from  New  York  not  later  than 
October  5th,  and  urged  him  to  hold  out.  They  worked 
to  strengthen  their  defences,  but  the  Americans  and 
French  were  equally  zealous,  advancing  their  parallels  and 
erecting  batteries,  which  they  crowned  with  more  than  a 
hundred  guns. 

The  5th  of  October  came  and  passed  without  sign  of 
the  fleet.  Their  repairs  were  still  uncompleted.  Another 
cipher  letter  assured  Cornwallis  that  they  would  sail  on 
the  12th  of  October.  But  he  had  begun  to  despair. 
The  enemy's  parallels  and  trenches  were  daily  circum 
scribing  him,  and  his  works  were  crumbling  before  their 
effective  fire. 

At  Gloucester,  the  British  were  shut  in  by  dragoons 
under  the  Duke  de  Lauzun  and  the  Virginia  militia. 

Tarleton  had  made  one  sortie  with  hope  of  breaking 
through  the  besiegers,  but  they  were  ridden  down  and 
driven  back.  Tarleton's  horse  was  captured,  and  his 
rider  narrowly  escaped. 

Two  strong  redoubts  remained  to  be  taken  by  assault. 
Washington  assigned  one  to  the  French,  the  other  to  the 
Americans.  They  received  their  orders  with  the  greatest 
enthusiasm.  The  French  officers  and  soldiers  had  equally 
imbibed  the  love  of  freedom,  and  were  proud  to  be  the  de 
fenders  and  saviors  of  the  young  Republic. 

There  was  also  much  emulation  between  the  attacking 


YOEKTOW^.  289 

parties  as  to  which  should  first  achieve  the  capture  of  the 
redoubt  assigned  them.  The  American  column  was  led 
by  the  gallant  and  gifced  Alexander  Hamilton,  who  in 
after  years  performed  all  the  brilliant  promise  of  his  youth. 
He  was  accompanied  by  the  courtly  young  Colonel  Lau- 
rens,  who  always  sought  the  post  of  danger. 

The  French  column  was  led  by  Count  William  de  Deux 
Fonts  and  the  Baron  de  FEstrade. 

Their  officers  addressed  them  a  few  words  of  inspiration  ; 
the  attack  was  made  with  the  greatest  impetuosity,  and 
the  redoubts  carried  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  with 
little  loss  to  the  American  column  ;  the  French  suffered 
more. 

Cornwallis,  seeing  the  sufferings  of  his  men,  crowded 
into  a  small  space,  with  over  a  thousand  disabled  by 
wounds  and  camp-fever,  listened  to  the  counsel  of  his 
officers  and  resolved  to  attempt  an  escape  on  the  night  of 
the  18th  October.  The  sick  and  wounded  were  com 
mended  by  letter  to  the  mercy  and  generosity  of  Washing 
ton,  at  the  very  time  the  British  were  perpetrating  the 
most  atrocious  cruelties  in  Connecticut. 

The  army  embarked  in  small  boats  on  the  James  Eiver, 
when  a  sudden  and  violent  squall  drove  the  boats  down 
the  river  and  threatened  them  with  instant  destruction. 

With  difficulty  they  relanded  and  returned  to  their 
camp,  feeling  that  the  hand  of  Providence  was  against 
them.  On  the  18th,  Cornwallis  sent  a  flag  to  Wash 
ington  with  proposals  to  arrange  for  a  capitulation.  On 
the  19th,  the  posts  of  York  and  Gloucester  were  sur 
rendered.  The  land  forces  became  prisoners  to  Amer 
ica,  and  the  seamen  to  France.  The  shipping  and  naval 
stores  fell  to  the  French,  the  field  artillery  to  the  Amer 
icans — one  hundred  and  six  pieces,  of  which  seventy-five 
were  brass.  The  talents  and  bravery  displayed  by  the 
allies  won  them  immortal  glory,  and  they  enhanced  it  by 
the  humanity  and  generosity  shown  to  their  prisoners. 
13 


290  YORKTOWN. 

The  French  officers,  in  particular,  honored  themselves  by 
the  most  delicate  consideration  of  their  enemies.  Lord 
Oornwallis  in  his  public  letters  acknowledged  this.* 

On  the  day  of  surrender,  Cornwallis  was  too  much  indis 
posed  to  leave  his  tent,  but  sent  his  sword  by  General 
O'Hara.  Lincoln,  who  had  surrendered  his  sword  at 
Charleston  to  Cornwallis,  was  appointed  by  Washington 
to  receive  that  of  Cornwallis.  The  rigor  of  the  British 
on  that  occasion  was  well  remembered,  and  Washington 
required  the  capitulating  force  to  march  out  with  colors 
cased.  Yet,  as  the  prisoners  filed  past  the  American 
lines,  we  remember  his  charge,  "Don't  huzza,  boys;  pos 
terity  will  huzza  for  you." 

Tarleton,  who  was  in  command  of  the  post  of  Gloucester 
at  the  time  of  the  surrender,  communicated  to  the  French 
General  Choise  his  apprehensions  for  his  personal  safety  if 
put  at  the  disposal  of  the  American  militia,  f 

He  got  safely  away,  and  on  his  return  to  England  was 
immediately  promoted  to  the  rank  of  Colonel,  and  became 
so  popular,  that  in  1790  he  was  sent  to  parliament  free  of 
expense  from  his  native  town.  In  1817,  he  was  advanced 
to  the  rank  of  major-general,  and  the  next  year  created 
a  baronet.  J 

*  Botta's  American  Revolution.  f  Lee's  Memoirs. 

\  Cyclopedia  Americana. 


XXXL— 1781. 
AT  LAST. 

THE  names  of  Washington,  Rochambeau,  La  Fayettc 
and  De  Grasse  were  on  every  tongue.  The  shouts  of 
victory  from  the  field  of  Yorktown  reached  Morgan  in  his 
home  near  Winchester,  and  drew  forth  his  heartiest  con 
gratulations  to  his  Commander-in-chief,  and  to  his  friend 
La  Fayette. 

Shortly  after,  occurred  a  painful  and  needless  mis 
understanding  between  Morgan  and  Washington.  The 
Virginia  troops  commanded  by  the  former  were  disbanded 
after  the  surrender  at  Yorktown,  and  the  government, 
unable  to  discharge  the  balance  due  them,  issued  cer 
tificates  of  the  amount  with  promise  of  future  payment. 
But  many  of  the  soldiers  were  sick  or  disabled  by  wounds, 
ragged,  penniless,  or  at  a  distance  from  their  homes. 
Their  pressing  necessities  encouraged  unprincipled  specu 
lators  to  prey  upon  them,  by  offering  to  cash  the  certifi 
cates  at  shameful  discount.  This  coming  to  Morgan's 
knowledge,  he  earnestly  advised  them  to  retain  their  cer 
tificates,  as  the  public  faith  was  pledged  for  their  pay 
ment,  offering,  at  the  same  time,  if  any  were  compelled 
to  part  with  them,  to  double  the  sum  offered  by  these 
speculators,  and  also  a  promise  to  hold  them  subject  to 
their  redemption  should  they  desire  it. 

The  speculators,  foiled  of  their  profits,  circulated  inju 
rious  accusations,  charging  General  Morgan  with  the 
meanness  they  had  themselves  sought  to  practice  upon 
the  soldiers.  It  came  to  Washington's  ears.  He  ceased 


292  AT  LAST. 

to  correspond  with  Morgan,  openly  expressed  his  want  of 
confidence  in  him,  and  when  they  met,  treated  him  with 
coldness.* 

Morgan  was  wounded  to  the  soul ;  suspecting  the  cause, 
and  feeling  how  undeserved  was  the  implied  censure,  he 
sought  an  explanation.  Washington  told  him  frankly  that 
he  could  esteem  no  man  who  "  labored  under  the  charge  of 
profiting  by  the  necessities  and  distresses  of  the  soldiers." 
Morgan  then  stated  the  facts  of  the  case,  giving  him  the 
testimony  of  numbers  of  the  soldiers,  which  at  once  con 
vinced  Washington  how  entirely  he  had  been  deceived; 
he  promptly  expressed  his  regret  at  having  entertained 
accusations  against  a  man  so  high  in  his  esteem,  without 
first  hearing  his  version  of  it.  A  tithe  of  the  long-suffer 
ing  and  misplaced  confidence  thrown  away  upon  Arnold, 
would  have  saved  Morgan  from  a  wound  sharper  than  the 
steel  of  an  enemy. 

Morgan  never  recovered  his  health,  but  ten  years  of 
quiet  prosperity  in  the  bosom  of  his  family  had  somewhat 
built  up  his  constitution  and  quite  repaired  his  fortunes. 
He  directed  the  plough  as  successfully  as  he  had  wielded 
the  sword.  By  State  grants  and  purchases  he  became 
possessor  of  not  less  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
acres  of  land  on  the  Ohio  and  Monongahela  rivers.  He 
had  built  a  stately  mansion  and  called  it  "  Saratoga,"- 
abode  of  a  refined  and  Christian  home-circle, — his  estima 
ble  wife,  their  two  daughters— the  elder  married  to  Colonel 
Neville,  the  younger  to  Major  Heard— and  their  children. 
With  ease  and  dignity  they  dispensed  the  largest  hospi 
talities  to  the  best  society  that  Virginia  could  boast. 

Morgan  appears  again  in  public  life  during  the  "Whis 
key  Insurrection"  as  major-general  of  the  Virginia  militia. 
In  1797  he  represented  the  counties  of  Frederic  and 
Berkeley  in  Congress.  He  was  also  a  member  of  the  Con 
gress  called  by  Washington  in  1797  to  take  into  considera- 
*  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan. 


AT   LAST.  293 

tion  the  threatening  complexion  of  affairs  between  America 
and  France,  and  was  named  in  connection  with  a  high 
command,  in  event  of  war  with  that  country.  While  at 
his  post  during  the  regular  session  of  Congress  in  1798, 
bis  health  again  gave  way.  He  sank  into  a  confirmed 
invalidism  from  this  time. 

During  his  whole  career,  even  in  his  wild  young  days, 
Morgan  had  always  expressed  and  manifested  the  greatest 
respect  for  religion.  During  the  late  years  of  his  life,  he 
had  been  a  regular  attendant  of  the  church  of  which  his 
wife  had  long  been  a  member.  He  now  became  a  com 
municant,  and  for  the  fuller  enjoyment  of  religious  privi 
leges,  left  his  country  residence  and  removed  to  Winches 
ter.  A  strong  friendship  had  sprung  up  between  General 
Morgan  and  his  pastor,  Rev.  Dr.  Hill,  of  the  Presbyterian 
church.  He  was  in  constant  attendance  upon  him  during 
the  latter  years  of  his  life,  and  to  his  manuscripts  Mor 
gan's  biographer,  Mr.  James  Graham,  is  largely  indebted 
for  some  of  the  most  interesting  facts  of  our  hero's  early 
life,  which  Dr.  Hill  had  from  his  own  lips. 

And  now  this  happy  warrior,  having  struck  all  his 
valiant  blows  for  God  and  humanity,  rested  a  little  space 
from  his  labors  and  waited  for  his  final  furlough.  "  They 
also  serve  who  only  stand  and  wait,"  for  now  he  girded  on 
his  spiritual  armor  and  made  full  proof  of  that  nobler 
courage  with  which  the  Christian  warrior  triumphs  over 
his  last  enemy. 

After  a  wearisome  confinement  of  a  year  to  his  house, 
and  of  six  months  to  his  bed  or  easy-chair,  he  sank  under 
his  infirmities  and  expired  July  6,  1802,  in  the  sixty- 
seventh  year  of  his  age,  "  having  served  his  generation." 

In  the  military  escort  at  his  grave  were  seven  members 
of  the  rifle  company  with  which  Morgan  marched  to 
Boston  in  1775.  Their  war-worn  rifles  fired  the  last 
salute  over  his  grave. 

His    biographer   says  of    his  Revolutionary   services  : 


294  AT   LAST. 

"  Whether  we  regard  their  extent,  their  value,  or  their 
brilliancy,  they  were  not  surpassed  by  those  of  any  other 
officer  in  the  army,  except  the  Commander-in-chief  him 
self. 

"  He  participated  in,  or  had  the  direction  of,  nearly  fifty 
contests  with  the  enemy,  eight  of  which  were  general 
engagements,  and  in  no  instance  did  he  fail  of  entire  or 
partial  success.  Throughout  his  long  military  career,  he 
never  experienced  a  surprise,  though  the  nature  of  the 
service  in  which  he  was  chiefly  engaged  subjected  him 
constantly  to  such  a  contingency.  *  . 

"  In  person  he  was  more  than  six  feet  high,  and  well 
proportioned  ;  of  an  imposing  presence  ;  moving  with 
strength  and  grace  ;  of  a  hardy  constitution,  that  defied 
fatigue,  hunger  and  cold.  He  could  glow  with  intensest 
anger,  but  passion  never  mastered  his  power  of  discern 
ment;  his  disposition  was  sweet  and  peaceful,  so  that  he 
delighted  in  acts  of  kindness,  and  never  harbored  malice 
or  revenge.  His  courage  was  not  an  idle  quality,  it  sprung 
from  the  intense  energy  of  his  will,  which  bore  him  on  to 
do  his  duty  with  an  irresistible  impetuosity.  His  faculties 
were  quickened  at  the  approach  of  danger.  An  instinc 
tive  perception  of  character  assisted  him  to  choose  those 
whom  it  was  wise  to  trust,  and  a  reciprocal  sympathy 
made  the  obedience  of  his  soldiers  an  act  of  affectionate 
confidence. 

"  Wherever  he  was  posted  in  the  battle-field,  the  fight 
was  sure  to  be  waged  with  fearlessness,  judgment,  and 
massive  energy.  Of  all  the  officers  whom  Virginia  sent 
into  the  war,  next  to  Washington,  Morgan  was  the  great 
est  ;  yet  she  raises  no  statue  to  the  incomparable  leader  of 
her  light  troops."  f 

It  is  idle  to  mention  any  name  with  that  of  Washing 
ton, — a  greatness  so  many-sided  and  symmetrical  as  to  be 
unique.  But  if  we  consider  military  genius  alone — as  a 
*  Graham's  Life  of  Morgan.  f  Bancroft,  Vol.  VIII. 


AT   LAST.  295 

field  executive — Morgan  towers  above  all.  That  insuffer 
able  military  caste,  which  it  seems  must  be  endured  be 
cause  it  cannot  be  cured,  had  thus  far  kept  him  manacled 
under  his  inferiors.  Cowpens  was  his  single  opportunity 
to  show  the  reach  of  his  genius.  He  exhibits  here  that 
marvellous  power  of  sympathy  which  put  him  in  rapport 
with  those  he  commanded,  and  by  which  he  so  multiplied 
and  communicated  himself  to  his  troops  that  he  worked 
his  divisions  as  if  they  had  been  his  own  limbs.  His  army 
individualized. 

It  would  seem  eminently  proper  that  centennial  honors 
to  Daniel  Morgan  should  not  devolve  upon  any  one  State. 
No  State  can  establish  its  claim  to  him.  His  track  of 
glory  reaches  from  Quebec  to  Cowpens. 

Leaving  Canada, — Maine,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Penn 
sylvania,  Virginia,  North  and  South  Carolina,  may  well 
contend  for  the  honor  of  honoring  him.  He  belongs  to 
the  continent. 

Rising  from  the  humblest  obscurity  to  the  noble  height 
he  gained,  he,  more  than  any  other  of  that  wonderful 
Eevolutionary  group,  illustrates  the  genius  and  forecasts 
the  possibilities  of  the  New  World. 

Virginia  !  dear  old  Dominion, — mother  of  States,  hal 
lowed  ground  indeed, — holding  in  thy  bosom  the  sacred 
relics  of  Jefferson,  Henry,  Morgan  and  Washington  ! 
From  such  precious  seed  what  heroic  harvests  may  we  yet 
gather  ! 


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